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Fbi Watch Making Cruelty Visible

post Jul 2 2007, 02:25 AM
Post #21

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I went ahead and linked this thread in the 'Intelligence' topic in the Library.


Thanx for your contribution, msfreeh salute.gif
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post Jul 7 2007, 10:23 PM
Post #22

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To cross reference my response in my other post I will
attempt to post material at this post that catalogues other crimes
committed by FBI agents with an emphasis presenting prima
facie evidence directly linking them to the creation of
the first world trade center bombing and Oklahoma city bombing.

This post will look at evidence dealing with FBI agents involvement
in committing pedophilia. Pedophilia has been a tool used by
FBI agents to compromise and blackmail members of Congress.

1st read http://www.franklinfiles.org/
We had an occasion to bring attorney John DeCamp to speak


victim who charged FBI agent with pedophilia found murdered?

Prosecutors move to dismiss charges against former Scout leader

January 3, 2007

NEW HAVEN, Conn. --Federal prosecutors have moved to dismiss charges against a retired FBI agent who was indicted on child sex charges dating back more than a decade when he was a Boy Scout leader, in response to the death of his accuser.

William Hutton, 63, of Killingworth, was arrested in February on charges he enticed a member of his Scout troop to Maine for the purpose of sexual activity in 1994 and 1995.

Prosecutor John A. Danaher III moved to dismiss the indictment on Dec. 19, and Judge Mark R. Kravitz granted the motion three days later, federal court records show.

On Dec. 26, the prosecutor moved to dismiss a revised indictment that had been returned by a federal grand jury in late March. There was no indication in court records that Kravitz has issued a ruling on that indictment.

Both indictments alleged crimes against the same person, who has never been publicly identified. The newer indictment added allegations that an August 1995 trip also included a stop in New Hampshire for illegal sexual activity.

Both of Danaher's motions cited "the sudden and unexpected death" of the accuser.

Hutton's lawyer, Hugh F. Keefe of New Haven, stressed Hutton had pleaded not guilty.

"Mr. Hutton was very upset by the news of the passing of the gentleman," Keefe said.

Hutton had been released on a $200,000 bond. He may not own any firearms or have any unsupervised contact with children. He was also ordered to stay away from playgrounds, schools, arcades or anywhere children congregate.

The case had been scheduled to go to trial this month in U.S. District Court in New Haven.

Former Scout leader-FBI agent indicted on child sex charges

February 3, 2006, 5:59 PM EST

NEW HAVEN, Conn. (AP) _ A retired FBI agent was indicted Friday on federal child sex charges dating back more than a decade when he was a Boy Scout leader.

William Hutton, 63, of Killingworth, was arrested Friday. The federal grand jury indictment offers few details about the case but accuses Hutton of enticing a member of his Scout troop to Maine for the purpose of sexual activity in 1994 and 1995.

"It's obviously devastating. He was an FBI agent in this district and was reputed in this district," defense attorney Hugh Keefe said. "The people who worked with him in the U.S. attorney's office and FBI respected him."

Keefe said the investigation has been going on for years. He would not discuss the details of the case or how the allegations surfaced.

Investigators asked anyone who knows anything about the case to call the FBI. U.S. Attorney Kevin O'Connor said that's standard practice whenever there might be more victims.

"In any case that's a concern," O'Connor said. "Whether that's the situation here I can't say."

If convicted on all four charges, Hutton faces up to 30 years in prison and up to $250,000 in fines.

Hutton was released on a $200,00 bond. He may not own any firearms or have any unsupervised contact with children. He was also ordered to stay away from playgrounds, schools, arcades or anywhere children congregate.

FBI agent in charge of FBI Child Abuse program sued by his daughters for incest

THE DENVER POST - Voice of the Rocky Mountain Empire
May 17, 1990
Sisters win sex lawsuit vs. dad $2.3 million given for years of abuse
By Howard Prankratz
Denver Post Legal Affairs Writer

Two daughters of former state and federal law enforcement official Edward Rodgers were awarded $2.319,400 yesterday, after a Denver judge and jury found that the women suffered years of abuse at the hands of their father.

The award to Sharon Simone, 45, and Susan Hammond, 44, followed testimony of Rodgers’ four daughters in person or through depositions, describing repeated physical abuse and sexual assaults by their father from 1944 through 1965.

Rodgers, 72, who became a child abuse expert after retiring from the FBI and joining the colorado Springs DA’s office, failed to appear for the trial. But in a deposition taken in March, Rodgers denied ever hitting or sexually abusing his children.

He admitted that he thought of himself as a "domineering s.o.b. who demanded strict responses from my children, strict obedience." But it never approached child abuse, Rodgers said. "Did I make mistakes? Damn right I did, just like any other father or mother..."

Thomas Gresham, Rodger’s former attorney, withdrew from the case recently after being unable to locate his client. Rodgers recently contacted one of his sons from a Texas town along the Mexican border. Gresham said his last contact with Rodgers was on April 24.

The sisters reacted quietly to the verdict, and with relief that their stories of abuse had finally been told.

"I feel really good that I’ve gone public with this,"Hammond said. "I am a victim, the shame isn’t mine, the horror happened to me. I’m not bad.
"My father did shameful and horrible things to me and my brothers and sisters. I don’t believe he is a shameful and horrible man, but he has to be held accountable," Hammond added.

The lawsuit deeply divided the Rodgers family, with Rodgers’ three sons questioning their sister’s motives.

Immediately after the verdict, son Steve Rodgers, 37, reacted angrily, yelling at his sisters in the courtroom.

Later, Rodgers said he loves his father and stands by him. He said his sisters had told him their father had to be exposed the way Nazi war criminals have been exposed.

"In a way I’m angry with my father for not being here. But I’m sympathetic because he would have walked into a gross crucifixion," Rodgers said.

Steve Rodgers never denied that he and his siblings were physically abused, but disputed that his father molested his sisters.
Before the jury’s award, Denver District Judge William Meyer found that Rodger’s conduct toward Simone and Hammond was negligent and "outrageous."

Despite the length of time since the abuse, the jury determined the sisters could legally bring the suit. The statute of limitations for a civil suit is two years, but jurors determined that the sisters became aware of he nature and extent of their injury only within the last two years, during therapy.

The jury then determined the damages, finding $1,240,000 for Simone and 1,079,000 for Hammond.

The sisters had alleged in their suit filed last July that Rodgers subjected his seven children to a "pattern of emotional, physical, sexual and incestual abuse."

As a result of the abuse, the women claimed their emotional lives had been left in a shambles, requiring extensive therapy for both and repeated hospitalizations of Hammond, who was acutely suicidal. Simone developed obsessive behavior and became so unable to function she resigned a position with a Boston-based college.

Despite the judgment yesterday, Rodgers cannot be criminally charged. the statue of limitations in Colorado for sexual assault on children is 10 years.
Rodgers, who worked for the FBI for 27 years, much of it in Denver, became chief investigator for the district attorney’s office in Colorado Sp;rings. during his employment at the DA’s office from 1967 until 1983, he became a well-known figure in Colorado Springs, and lectured and wrote about child abuse both locally and nationwide.

He wrote a manual called " A Compendium -- Child Abuse by the National College of District Attorney’s," and helped put together manuals on child abuse for the New York state police and a national child abuse center.

FBI agent in charge of investigating other FBI agents for crimes sentenced to 12 years in prison for pedophilia

Ex-FBI official pleads guilty to child molestation
WASHINGTON (AP) -- The former chief internal watchdog at the FBI has pleaded guilty to sexually assaulting a 6-year-old girl and has admitted he had a history of molesting other children before he joined the bureau for a two-decade career.

John H. Conditt Jr., 53, who retired in 2001, was sentenced last Friday to 12 years in prison in Tarrant County court in Fort Worth, Texas, after he admitted he molested the daughter of two FBI agents after he retired. He acknowledged molesting at least two other girls before his law enforcement career, his lawyer said.

Conditt sought treatment for sex offenders after his arrest last year, said his attorney, Toby Goldsmith.

"The problem these people have is they don't really feel like it is their fault," Goldsmith said. "The treatment doesn't work unless you admit you are the one who instigated it, and he did that."

Conditt headed the internal affairs unit that investigates agent wrongdoing for the Office of Professional Responsibility at FBI headquarters in Washington from 1999 until his retirement in June 2001, the FBI said. He wrote articles in law enforcement journals on how police agencies could effectively investigate their own conduct.

FBI officials said Tuesday they had no information to suggest that Conditt had any problems during his career and he was never the subject of an investigation.

Tarrant County Assistant District Attorney Mitch Poe, who prosecuted the case, said he wanted a longer prison sentence and was skeptical of Conditt's claim that his molestation of children subsided during his FBI career.

"Both myself and the judge in open court, we were kind of skeptical but we don't have any evidence," Poe said.

A recently retired FBI whistleblower who brought allegations to Conditt's office that agents had not aggressively pursued evidence of sexual abuse in Indian country said Tuesday she now questions whether his personal history affected that decision.

"Before, it never made any sense," retired agent Jane Turner said of the FBI's decision to decline to further investigate her allegations. "Now I can understand. Why in the world wouldn't you want to investigate that?"

Goldsmith said he was concerned about the safety of his client in prison given that he is a former FBI agent and an admitted child molester. "He's not going to be comfortable in the penitentiary," the lawyer said.

Goldsmith said his client had admitted that he had molested at least two other girls before he became an FBI agent more than 30 years ago, but that there was no evidence of any wrongdoing while he served in the bureau.

"It seems that he never did because he had stricter control at that time," the lawyer said.

Conditt could have faced life in prison, and prosecutors requested he get 50 years. The judge sentenced him to 12 years in prison, in part citing Conditt's decision to spare the victim the trauma of a trial, Goldsmith said.

Conditt's conviction is the latest controversy to strike the FBI's Office of Professional Responsibility.

Last year, FBI Director Robert Mueller transferred the head of the office to another supervisory assignment outside Washington, three months after rebuking him for his conduct toward a whistleblower.

That whistleblower, John Roberts, alleged the FBI disciplinary office had a double standard that let supervisors off easier than line agents.

Those allegations prompted investigations by Congress and the Justice Department inspector general. The latter concluded there was no systematic favoritism of senior managers over rank-and-file employees but there was a double standard in some cases involving crude sexual jokes and remarks.

Monday August 8, 2005 Longtime FBI agent sentenced to prison on child porn count


Associated Press Writer

BOISE, Idaho (AP) � A longtime FBI agent who helped arrest mountain-man Claude Dallas and was involved in a deadly 1984 siege involving white supremacists in Washington state is going to prison for 12 months after pleading guilty to possession of child pornography.

William Buie, 64, of Boise, most recently worked as an investigator for the Idaho attorney general's office.

He was sentenced Monday in U.S. District Court to a year in prison on one count of possession of sexually exploitative materials involving minors. He had pleaded guilty in March.

Buie told agents with the Utah Internet Crimes Against Children Task Force that he learned to access child pornography Web sites while attending a seminar on preventing child exploitation as part of his law enforcement training in 2000 or 2001.

He acknowledged using his bank debit card to gain access to child erotica and child pornography Web sites, including using the card to buy a month of access to a child pornography Internet site entitled ''Eternal Nymphets.''

Buie, a former FBI sniper who worked for about 30 years for the agency in Seattle, Butte, Mont., and Salt Lake City, participated in the arrest of Dallas in 1982 in Paradise Valley, Nev., after the self-proclaimed mountain man had spent a year on the run after killing two Idaho Fish and Game agents. Dallas served 22 years in prison for manslaughter.

Buie also took part in the 1984 siege on Whidbey Island, Wash. in which Robert Mathews, leader of the violent racist cell called ``The Order,'' was killed following an 18-month wave of armed robberies and assassinations.

U.S. District Judge Edward Lodge gave Buie a reduced sentence of just a year behind bars, down from the standard sentencing range of 27 months to 33 months. That's after his lawyer, Mark Manweiler, argued that Buie's efforts to find sex-addiction treatment and his exemplary work record � as well as concern that as a longtime FBI agent he would be in danger behind bars � entitled him to a sentencing break.

"He would be unusually susceptible to abuse in a federal correctional institution,'' Manweiler wrote in his motion.

In a statement, the Justice Department said that as many as 150 sexually explicit images depicting children were found on Buie's home computers. It said no images were found on Buie's work computer.

After leaving the FBI, he worked as a criminal investigator for the Idaho attorney general's office for about six years, according to court documents.

According to terms of his sentencing, Buie must turn himself in on July 20 to begin serving his federal prison term.

Phone messages left by the Associated Press late Monday at Buie's Boise residence and on his cell phone weren't immediately returned.

SPOTSYLVANIA, Va. A former F-B-I analyst has been sentenced to seven years in prison for having sex with a young girl in Spotsylvania County.
Forty-four-year-old Anthony John Lesko entered an Alford plea yesterday in Spotsylvania County Circuit Court to nine counts of felony indecent liberties upon a child. An Alford plea means Lesko doesn't admit guilt but believes there is enough evidence for a conviction.

Under a plea agreement, he was sentenced to seven years in prison with another 15 years suspended. He also was ordered to pay ten-thousand dollars in restitution to cover the cost of the girl's mental-health counseling.

Authorities say Lesko engaged in a sex act with her nine times, beginning when she was nine years old.

Lesko's attorney says he worked as an intelligence analyst at the F-B-I for 17 years before moving to Jacksonville, Florida.

According to the plea, Lesko said he was a victim in the case. He said the girl initiated the contact.

This post has been edited by msfreeh: Jul 7 2007, 10:25 PM
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post Jul 8 2007, 05:11 PM
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FBI agent tells Americans how the FBI plans to hit Americans

first read

Wed, Jul. 04, 2007

FBI: Suicide Bombs a Big Concern


The Associated Press

Joseph Billy Jr., the FBI´s top counterterrorism official, appears in this 2006 file photo released by the FBI. Billy says that although suicide bombers have not hit the United States since the 9/11 terrorist hijacking attacks, they remain a constant concern because of their prevalence around the globe and their determination to die for their causes. (AP Photo/FBI, File)<br />

Joseph Billy Jr., the FBI's top counterterrorism official, appears in this 2006 file photo released by the FBI. Billy says that although suicide bombers have not hit the United States since the 9/11 terrorist hijacking attacks, they remain a constant concern because of their prevalence around the globe and their determination to die for their causes. (AP Photo/FBI, File)

NEW YORK - Suicide bombers have not hit the United States since the 9/11 terrorist hijacking attacks, but they remain a constant concern because of their prevalence around the globe and determination to die for their causes, according to the FBI's chief of counterterrorism.

He does not believe America is overflowing with homegrown terrorists, but Joseph Billy said "a significant number" of attacks have been thwarted since airliners were crashed into the World Trade Center, the Pentagon and a Pennsylvania farm field on Sept. 11, 2001.

While declining to divulge the nature of the averted plots, Billy credited intelligence that led to either fortified security around potential targets or identification of suspected terrorists. Authorities recently stopped homegrown plots targeting the Fort Dix military base in New Jersey and a jet fuel pipeline at New York's Kennedy International Airport.

Billy, the FBI assistant director in charge of counterterrorism, made his comments during a rare wide-ranging interview with The Associated Press, days before the failed car bombing in London and the airport bombing in Glasgow.

He has declined to comment on those British bombings because he did not want to interfere with the British investigations.

Billy stressed the need for diligence, saying people plotting against the U.S. from within are more familiar with potential targets than foreign terrorists and can move around more easily.

The FBI, other law enforcement and intelligence agencies continue to raise the nation's already "vigorous vigilance," hunting individuals who may want to use explosives to make a statement or further a cause, Billy said.

"Martyrdom and suicide bombers are a great challenge because of their commitment, their willingness to die for sheer belief," Billy said. "Any explosive device, particularly suicide bombs, creates a real challenge to learn about it and then interdict or disrupt it."

The FBI continuously scrutinizes intelligence on new devices and tactics tested by insurgents in Iraq and Afghanistan, wary that they could surface in the U.S., according to Billy.

So far no IEDs , improvised explosive devices , used with deadly effect as roadside bombs in Iraq have appeared in this country, but officials are following the trends. Police in New York recently put emphasis on screening shipments of chlorine after learning it had become a favored component of homemade bombs in Iraq.

The National Joint Terrorism Task Force provides law enforcement across the country with a high level of awareness on locations or ingredients to monitor , awareness that is passed along to the public.

"I think it is hard to go into a Home Depot or Lowes to purchase a truckload of fertilizer without someone calling police to report, `This person just bought 2,000 pounds of fertilizer and I don't think he is a farmer,'" Billy said.

Ammonium nitrate fertilizer has been used as an ingredient in bombs, including the one that destroyed the federal building in Oklahoma City in 1995.

The public has responded in a big way in the war against terrorism, including a video store employee who told authorities about his suspicions that led to the uncovering of the Fort Dix plot.

"The enemy is very real," Billy said. "We operate every day as if we are the target. ... You can go from neutral to extreme to becoming someone who is committed to terrorism and blowing someone up in a short period of time. You can't leave any of it unchecked."

Al-Qaida remains a very real threat, and is still the backbone of the international terrorist movement, although mergers with other groups have made it less centralized, Billy said. Al-Qaida's leader, Osama bin Laden, remains No. 1 on the FBI terrorism list.

"It is very important to capture him and bring him to justice," Billy said. "It may take awhile but we remain optimistic."

Billy said his biggest concern is preventing terrorists from acquiring weapons of mass destruction.

"There is no escalated chatter on it but they have made statements that if they had it they would not hesitate to use it," he said.

"They are committed to destroying our country, our way of life," he said. "But we are just as committed to keeping it safe and secure."


The greatest false-flag operations conducted in the history of man !!!!
(this was copied from the LibertyForum website, and the HTML is kinda screwy.)

In case you weren't paying attention...
(some of these are dead links)
# Vinnell bombing leader Khaled Jehani, fought for the CIA in Afghanistan, Bosnia & Chechnya
# Members of the Moroccan terror group Salafi Jihadi fought for the CIA in Afghanistan, Chechnya, Dagestan, Bosnia and Kosovo
# USS Cole Bomber Jamal al-Badawi fought for the CIA in Bosnia
# Zacarias Moussaoui fought for the CIA in Chechnya
# Khalid Sheikh Mohammed fought for the CIA in Afghanistan
# Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman fought for the CIA in Afghanistan
# Head of Egyptian Islamic Jihad Ayman al Zawahiri, fought for the CIA in Bosnia
# His brother Ayman al-Zawahiri fought for the CIA in Kosovo (GOOD LINK)
# Abdullah Azzam, "one of the ideological founders of Hamas" fought for the CIA in Afghanistan
# When Osama Bin Ladin Was Tim Osman (GOOD LINK)
# Bin-Ladin and KLA have a 'joint' cash box in the United States (GOOD LINK)
# Wolfowitz Meets "in Private" with NLA Terrorist Ali Ahmeti (GOOD LINK)
# Zbigniew Brzezinski: "Your cause is right, God is on your side." (GOOD LINK)

# CIA reins in loose cannons, and keeps their Al Qaeda creation alive and well

# CIA "Arranged" for Passports for Al Qaeda Terrorists & Brought Them to the USA to Recruit for Jihads
# Will the CIA Leave Their Saudi Partners in Crime Holding the Bag? (GOOD LINK)
# "New Al-Qaeda" like New Coke, only harder to buy
# "The Farce Goes On - The Hunt for Ayman Zawahiri, Mohammad Omar, & Osama
# "Moussaoui, Khadr, & Ressam Are "Graduates" of CIA's Khalden Camp for Afghanistan & Balkans "Jihads"
# Bin Laden Puppetmasters Smoked Out In Balkans (GOOD LINK)
# The CIA arranged for HUM guerrillas to fight in Bosnia & Kosovo (GOOD LINK)
# The CIA & Bin Laden worked hand-in-glove in KLA operations (GOOD LINK)
# U.S. Protects Al-Qaeda Terrorists in Kosovo (GOOD LINK)
# (Libertythink link includes MAP)
# comment: Did you notice how in this last election some Republicans tried to blame the Clinton administration for everything in the Balkans? The "neocons," like Wolfowitz, were more gungho than Bill Clinton, for direct US military intervention to back up the KLA "freedom fighters." You can find some of this buried in the Balkans section of the PNAC website. Yeah, Bill Clinton was too slow about overthrowing countries. He was always getting distracted. But Bush and his British friends are usually working on overthrowing 3 or 4 at a time. They don't let any moss grow on them. America used Islamists to arm the Bosnian Muslims (GOOD LINK)
# Bosnia, 1 degree of separation from Al-Qaeda (GOOD LINK)
# Where was the "Concern" about "al-Qaida Operating in Iran" during the War in Bosnia?
# Terror mastermind with taste for high life (GOOD LINK to different article)
# U.S. had agents inside al-Qaeda (GOOD LINK)
# CIA Told "Malaysian secret police" to "Monitor" Al Qaeda Meeting on Plans to Hit WTC on 9-11-2001
# The CIA's "Operation Cyclone" - Stirring the Hornet's Nest of Islamic Unrest" (GOOD LINK)
# The Muslim Brotherhood: The Globalists' Secret Weapon (GOOD LINK)
# U.S. Armed, Promoted Accused September 11 Terrorist Mastermind
# CIA Bankrolled System of Madrassas & Training Camps to Brainwash "Jihad" Warriors
# British Press Gagged on Reporting MI6's £100,000 bin Laden Payoff (GOOD LINK - David Shayler)
# Ramzi Yousef was part of a CIA recruitment drive in New York and he did have "ties" to Bin Laden
When Youssef came to the U.S. in 1992, the Alkifah center, which had been founded by bin Laden's mentor Abdullah Azzam, was his first stop.
Alkifah has been identified by an aide to Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak as a CIA front for transferring funds, weapons, and recruits to the anti-Soviet mujaheddin in Afghanistan.
During one period, over $2 million annually was reportedly being transferred.
A 1998 article in the New York Times referred to Alkifah as "the American outpost of Mr. bin Laden's international terrorist organization.

# CIA Recruits Terrorist Agents At Guantanamo (GOOD LINK)
# Oregon group thrives despite al Qaeda ties (GOOD LINK)
# Sniper link to al Qaeda investigated
# Who is behind the "Terrorist Network" in Northern Iraq, Baghdad or Washington?
# How Al Qaeda lit the Bali fuse
# Did Rambo ever stop loving Osama?

Who Bombed The World Trade Center? FBI Bomb Builders Exposed!!The FBI allowed the 1993 WTC bombing to happen


El Sayyid Nosair, one of the Blind Sheikh's men who would later be convicted for the bombing, was arrested in 1991 for the murder of Rabbi Meir Kahane. According to prosecutors, "the Red" Mahmud Abouhalima, also convicted in the bombing, told Wadih el Hage to buy the .38 caliber revolver used by Nosair in the Kahane shooting. Nosair was acquitted of murder but convicted of gun charges. Dozens of Arabic bomb-making manuals and documents related to terrorist plots were found in Nosair's New Jersey apartment, with manuals from Army Special Warfare Center at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, secret memos linked to Joint Chiefs of Staff, and 1440 rounds of ammunition.

FBI involvement in the bombing
In the course of the trial it was revealed that the FBI had an informant, an Egyptian man named Emad A. Salem, a former Egyptian army officer. Salem claims to have informed the FBI of the plot to bomb the towers as early as February 6, 1992. Salem's role as informant allowed the FBI to quickly pinpoint the conspirators out of the hundreds of possible suspects.

Salem, initially believing that this was to be a sting operation, claimed that the FBI's original plan was for Salem to supply the conspirators with a harmless powder instead of actual explosive to build their bomb, but that the FBI chose to use him for other purposes instead. He substantiated his claims with hundreds of hours of secretly-recorded conversations with his FBI handlers, made during discussions held after the bombings. They are currrently in possession of the FBI.

Salem said he wished to complain to FBI headquarters in Washington about the failure to prevent the bombing despite foreknowledge, but was dissuaded from doing so by the New York FBI office. The FBI has never contradicted Salem's account.

In one of the recordings Emad A. Salem made of a telephone conversation he had with one of his FBI handlers, FBI Special Agent John Anticev, Emad A. Salem admits to building the bomb which exploded in the World Trade Center with the supervision of the FBI and the District Attorney of the City of New York. (MP3: [2][3], transcript: [4].) In the recording, FBI Special Agent John Anticev does not disagree with Emad A. Salem's below account of the bombing.
Am I the only one who thinks that it’s creepy that the FBI guy who admitted the FBI knew all about planes being flown into buildings well before 9/11, Michael Anticev, has the same last name as the FBI agent John Anticev, who handled Emad Salem, the informant who said that the FBI “built the bomb” for the 1993 WTC bombing. Michael and John Anticev….are they brothers? Or what? What’s the link?

Paul DeRienzo published the audio recording on his website, pdr.autono.net.
As Salem is pressing for money while emphasizing his value as a Bureau asset, the conversation moves in and out of references to the bombing and the FBI’s knowledge of the bomb making.”

Here’s a key excerpt:
ANTICEV, FBI: You got paid regularly for good information. I mean the expenses were a little bit out of the ordinary and it was really questioned. Don’t tell Nancy I told you this.
SALEM: Well, I have to tell her, of course.
FBI: Well then, if you have to, you have to.
SALEM: Yeah, I mean because the lady was being honest, and I was being honest, and everything was submitted with receipts, and now it’s questionable.
FBI: It’s not questionable, it’s like a little out of the ordinary.
SALEM: OK. I don’t think it was. If that what you think guys, fine, but I don’t think that because we was start already building the bomb which is went off in the World Trade Center. It was built by supervising supervision from the Bureau and the DA, and we was all informed about it and we know what the bomb start to be built. By who? By your confidential informant. What a wonderful great case! And then he put his head in the sand I said, “Oh, no, no, that’s not true, he is son of a bitch.” (Deep breath) OK. It’s built with a different way in another place and that’s it.
FBI: No, don’t make any rash decisions. I’m just trying to be as honest with you as I can.
SALEM: Of course, I appreciate that.

If you stick with it and listen to the entire audio file on DeRienzo’s site, there’s a dramatic moment at the end, when John Anticev seems to show his hand. Anticev was OK with what happened, he reassured Salem (and himself?) that:

“We’re doing this for a higher reason. We know what we’re doing and we know what it’s gonna mean in the future. Forget about bureaucrats! Forget about them. They come and go, OK? We know what we’re doing, and at the end we’re gonna at least be able to look at each other and say we tried the best we could, ya know? Not for the government. The ‘government’ is this very, you know, what do you call, unidentifiable thing, you know? It’s a, sometimes it’s one person affecting you, sometimes it’s bureaucratic things, but we’ll still know what we did. That’s all we’re gonna say.”
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post Jul 13 2007, 10:06 PM
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Cyril Wecht MD is the foresic pathologist who has authored several books detailing the falsehoods in the Warren Commission President Kennedy autopsy reports.
The head of the FBI Office of Professional Responsibility John Conditt, the man who investigated FBI agent Orsini was just sentenced to prison for 12 years
the crime pedophilia. see story at bottom

Pittsburgh Tribune-Review
FBI agent's personnel file gives Wecht 2nd chance
By Jason Cato
Thursday, July 12, 2007

The FBI agent leading the public corruption case against Dr. Cyril H. Wecht was disciplined by his bosses in New Jersey for falsifying signatures and other infractions while working as an investigator there, according to internal disciplinary records made public Wednesday.

Lawyers for Wecht, the embattled forensic pathologist, hope to use Special Agent Bradley W. Orsini's personnel files to question his credibility and possibly negate some, if not all, of the charges against their client.

U.S. District Judge Arthur J. Schwab unsealed Orsini's disciplinary records yesterday. Schwab ruled the documents should be made public in June 2006 after the Tribune-Review and other media outlets sued for them. The U.S. Attorney's Office challenged the decision, but lost on appeal.

The top FBI official in Pittsburgh said nothing in the agent's disciplinary file should impact the investigative work he's done here.

"He made some poor judgment mistakes, but they were administrative mistakes. He did nothing criminal," said Ray Morrow, special agent in charge of the FBI's Pittsburgh office. "But he's learned from those mistakes and has turned himself into an outstanding investigator."

The FBI did not make Orsini available for comment.

The Office of Professional Responsibility, which investigates allegations of wrongdoing by agents, noted seven infractions against Orsini in two separate inquiries which led to suspensions and other punishments while he worked in Newark, N.J.

For Wecht's lawyers, the most egregious infractions involve a pattern of violating FBI evidence collection policies from 1993 through 1997, when Orsini wrote other agents' initials on witness interview reports and signed agents' names to chain-of-custody forms and evidence labels.

Orsini told investigators he had no idea how many times he falsified documents, but that he only did it as "a convenience and a shortcut."

"There's a good argument that the information here could be very useful to the defense in this case," said Sandra Jordan, a University of Pittsburgh law professor and former federal prosecutor. "I think any person connected to the prosecution has a higher obligation than the rest of us when it comes to integrity and honesty."

Wecht's lawyers, who failed to have evidence thrown out last year, will be given another chance, Schwab said.

"We're pleased this information is now available to the public for its own analysis and understanding of its impact on this case," said defense lawyer Jerry McDevitt. "We welcome the fresh start."

Wecht, 75, of Squirrel Hill, was charged in January 2006 with 84 counts of fraud and theft accusing him of using his public office as Allegheny County coroner for personal gain. His case has been on hold since September, pending the outcome of several appeals.

Orsini was first punished in 1998 with a five-day suspension for falsifying signatures.

Investigators also found that Orsini violated bureau policies when he engaged in a sexual relationship with another agent, then physically threatened a subordinate, whom he believed told superiors about the affair. He also damaged government property by punching holes in office walls and of making "homophobic remarks" while joking around in the office, according to the disciplinary records.

In 2001, Orsini was demoted from a supervisor's role within the Newark public corruption squad to a street agent working narcotics investigations in an outlying field office. He was suspended without pay for 30 days, placed on probation for one year and forced to undergo sensitivity training.

Orsini transferred to the Pittsburgh FBI office in 2005.

Ex-FBI Agent Pleads Guilty to Child Abuse

Tuesday February 17, 2004 11:46 PM


Associated Press Writer

WASHINGTON (AP) - The former chief internal watchdog at the FBI has pleaded guilty to sexually assaulting a 6-year-old girl and has admitted he had a history of molesting other children before he joined the bureau for what became a two-decade career.

John H. Conditt Jr., 53, who retired in 2001, was sentenced last week to 12 years in prison in Tarrant County court in Fort Worth, Texas, after he admitted he molested the daughter of two FBI agents after he retired. He acknowledged molesting at least two other girls before he began his law enforcement career, his lawyer said.

Conditt sought treatment for sex offenders after his arrest last year, said his attorney, Toby Goldsmith.

``The problem these people have is they don't really feel like it is their fault,'' Goldsmith said. ``The treatment doesn't work unless you admit you are the one who instigated it, and he did that.''

Conditt headed the internal affairs unit that investigates agent wrongdoing for the Office of Professional Responsibility at FBI headquarters in Washington from 1999 until his retirement in June 2001, the FBI said. He wrote articles in law enforcement journals on how police agencies could effectively investigate their own conduct.

FBI officials said Tuesday they had no information to suggest that Conditt had any problems during his career and he was never the subject of an investigation.

Tarrant County Assistant District Attorney Mitch Poe, who prosecuted the case, said he wanted a longer prison sentence and was skeptical of Conditt's claim that his molestation of children subsided during his FBI career.

``Both myself and the judge in open court, we were kind of skeptical but we don't have any evidence,'' Poe said.

A recently retired FBI whistleblower who brought allegations to Conditt's office that agents had not aggressively pursued evidence of sexual abuse in Indian country said Tuesday she now questions whether his personal history affected that decision.

``Before, it never made any sense,'' retired agent Jane Turner said of the FBI's decision to decline to further investigate her allegations. ``Now I can understand. Why in the world wouldn't you want to investigate that?''

Goldsmith said he was concerned about the safety of his client in prison given that he is a former FBI agent and an admitted child molester. ``He's not going to be comfortable in the penitentiary,'' the lawyer said.

Goldsmith said his client had admitted that he had molested at least two other girls before he became an FBI agent more than 30 years ago, but that there was no evidence of any wrongdoing while he served in the bureau.

``It seems that he never did because he had stricter control at that time,'' the lawyer said.

Conditt could have faced life in prison, and prosecutors requested he get 50 years. The judge sentenced him to 12 years in prison, in part citing Conditt's decision to spare the victim the trauma of a trial, Goldsmith said.

Conditt's conviction is the latest controversy to strike the FBI's Office of Professional Responsibility.

Last year, FBI Director Robert Mueller transferred the head of the office to another supervisory assignment outside Washington, three months after rebuking him for his conduct toward a whistleblower.

That whistleblower, John Roberts, alleged the FBI disciplinary office had a double standard that let supervisors off easier than rank-and-file agents.

Those allegations prompted investigations by Congress and the Justice Department inspector general. The inspector general concluded that there was no systematic favoritism of senior managers over rank-and-file employees but that there was a double standard in some cases involving crude sexual jokes and remarks

This post has been edited by msfreeh: Jul 13 2007, 10:10 PM
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post Jul 18 2007, 05:22 PM
Post #25

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two easy reads

Lawyers Say They Have Evidence of Warrantless Surveillance
The Case May Be 'The Best Chance' to Challenge the Spy Program

July 18, 2007 —

A case coming up before the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals may be the best chance for civil liberties lawyers to challenge the government's warrantless domestic surveillance program, attorneys say.

Earlier this month, the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals in Ohio dismissed a challenge to the so-called Terrorist Surveillance Program because the plaintiffs, a group of lawyers, professors and journalists, could not show they had actually been put under government surveillance.

If the court's reasoning is followed by other courts, it could doom the dozens of other similar pending cases where plaintiffs have no hard evidence that they were spied on under the top secret government program.

But, in one case in Oregon, lawyers say they have actual proof that the government listened in on their clients' phone calls without a warrant, providing a chance to have the courts decide whether the surveillance program is unconstitutional.

"This case presents the best chance of a court evaluating the legality of the surveillance program," said Curtis Bradley, a Duke University law professor and former State Department lawyer who studies national security law. "It may turn out that this is the only case that will be a vehicle for reviewing whether the government complied with" the Constitution and other laws governing eavesdropping.

'Last Case Standing'?

The surveillance program, authorized by President Bush in 2002, allowed the National Security Agency to monitor communications between U.S. residents and people in other countries with suspected ties to al Qaeda. The top secret program was revealed by The New York Times in 2005.

Al-Haramain Islamic Foundation, a now-defunct Islamic charity that the government says has ties to al Qaeda, says in court papers that the government accidentally gave it a highly classified document that shows the government monitored calls between the foundation's directors, who were overseas, and two of its lawyers in the United States. Those lawyers, Wendell Belew and Asim Ghafoor, are also plaintiffs in the case.

Lawyers and the plaintiffs would not discuss the contents of the document, which is being held in a secure FBI facility in Portland, but Al-Haramain's court filings suggest that it is a National Security Agency phone log of those conversations.

Though the document is being kept secret, the trial court judge plans to allow the plaintiffs to discuss their memories of the document as evidence to show that they were illegally placed under surveillance, which the government has argued would jeopardize national security.

If upheld on appeal when the 9th Circuit hears the case next month, the Al-Haramain case may force more information about the top secret spy program into the public view and may force courts to consider whether the program is constitutional.

Al-Haramain's lawyers say theirs is the only case in the country challenging the surveillance program where the plaintiffs have evidence that they were spied on. The American Civil Liberties Union, which lost the recent 6th Circuit case, has not decided whether it will appeal to the Supreme Court.

"Our case could end up the only game in town," said Jon Eisenberg, an attorney for the plaintiffs. "This could be the last case standing."

A 'Kafkaesque Air to It'

The government has gone to uncommon lengths to protect the secrecy of the surveillance program, both in Al-Haramain and in other cases. It persuaded the trial judge in the Al-Haramain case to place the secret document in a Secure Compartmentalized Information Facility at the FBI office in Portland.

The government is now trying to prevent the court from using Al-Haramain's lawyers' memories of the document as evidence that they were put under warrantless surveillance.

"The level of secrecy in this case strikes me as extraordinary," said Nancy Marder, a Chicago-Kent College of Law professor who specializes in litigation secrecy. "It has sort of a Kafkaesque air to it. You can't see certain documents. You can't recall certain documents, You can't use the documents that might exist."

Justice Department lawyers declined to comment on the case. A department spokesman referred questions to the government's court filings, which say that the court papers in the case contain top secret "sensitive compartmented information." That information requires special procedures to protect it, the government argues.

'The Document'

The case revolves around a piece of paper, referred to in court records only as "The Document."

According to Al-Haramain's lawsuit, in May 2004, the National Security Agency gave the U.S. Treasury Office of Foreign Asset Control "logs of conversations" between Belew and Ghafoor and Al-Haramain's directors.

In August of that year, the Treasury Office accidentally gave a top secret document to Lyn Bernabei, a lawyer for Al-Haramain, which is listed by the government as a terrorist organization with ties to al Qaeda.

The document, included with a stack of other, unclassified documents, showed that the government allegedly monitored conversations between Al-Haramain's directors and lawyers, court filings say.

Bernabei then gave the document to the agency's other lawyers and two of its directors  before the existence of the domestic eavesdropping program was publicly known and apparently before anyone realized the importance of the document.

The next month, the FBI asked for the document back. It appears that everyone who was asked either returned or destroyed the document, and in some cases gave the bureau computers to be "scrubbed."

Belew said two FBI agents told him to forget about the whole thing. "They asked me to attempt not to refresh my recollection about it, to sort of forget the contents of the document," he said.

After the warrantless surveillance program was revealed, Al-Haramain, Belew and Ghafoor sued in federal court in Oregon in February 2006, asking for more than $1 million in damages. Along with the lawsuit, lawyers filed a sealed copy of the document. They have not said how they obtained it, but court records say that the FBI did not try to get the document back from the group's directors in Saudi Arabia.


Eisenberg said that a few weeks after the case was filed, government lawyers called to say FBI agents were on their way to the court house to take possession of the document from the judge.

Eventually, after Judge Garr King balked, the document was placed in a Secure Compartmentalized Information Facility at the FBI office in Portland.

King ultimately ruled that Al-Haramain's lawyers could not see the document again, but he allowed them to file affidavits describing their recollections of it. Those memories could be enough evidence to show that the plaintiffs were under surveillance and to allow the courts to decide whether the program is unconstitutional.

Eisenberg said the government then told him that he was violating CIA directives by discussing the document in court filings. "It's been a game of intimidation," Eisenberg said.

Justice Department lawyers declined to comment on the case. A spokesman referred questions to the government's court filings.

State Secrets

When the 9th Circuit hears the case next month, it will have to decide whether the state secrets privilege, which allows the government to stop courts from hearing military and state secrets, prevents Al-Haramain's lawyers from even using their recollections of the secret document to show that they have standing to sue.

If the government prevails, the case will be dismissed.

In court filings, the government argues that the case cannot go to trial without forcing the government to confirm or deny whether Belew and Ghafoor were spied on  a fact, the government contends, that could jeopardize national security. The Justice Department also says the subject matter of the case is a state secret that must be kept out of public view.

A ruling that Al-Haramain is able to sue, the government argues, would itself disclose classified information because it would reveal that the plaintiffs were subject to surveillance under the spying program.

Bradley called dismissing the case because of the state secrets privilege "drastic." "They're trying to disqualify any court from reviewing the legality of the program," he said.

Eisenberg agreed.

"The document is not secret anymore," he said. "They disclosed it to the very people who were being surveilled."

The reality that you are reading this post has now added your name
to a datebase which will be used to round you up.................and you know what happens next.
Everything you use your computer for will now be in that data base.
The exquisite part of this whole process is it was done with your tax dollars and you allow it to happen.

This post is brought to you by the men and women who assassinated President Kennedy and Martin Luther King.

litics : Law RSS
FBI's Secret Spyware Tracks Down Teen Who Made Bomb Threats
Kevin Poulsen Email 07.18.07 | 2:00 AM

FBI agents trying to track the source of e-mailed bomb threats against a Washington high school last month sent the suspect a secret surveillance program designed to surreptitiously monitor him and report back to a government server, according to an FBI affidavit obtained by Wired News.

The court filing offers the first public glimpse into the bureau's long-suspected spyware capability, in which the FBI adopts techniques more common to online criminals.

The software was sent to the owner of an anonymous MySpace profile linked to bomb threats against Timberline High School near Seattle. The code led the FBI to 15-year-old Josh Glazebrook, a student at the school, who on Monday pleaded guilty to making bomb threats, identity theft and felony harassment.

In an affidavit seeking a search warrant to use the software, filed last month in U.S. District Court in the Western District of Washington, FBI agent Norman Sanders describes the software as a "computer and internet protocol address verifier," or CIPAV.

FBI Spyware in a Nutshell

The full capabilities of the FBI's "computer and internet protocol address verifier" are closely guarded secrets, but here's some of the data the malware collects from a computer immediately after infiltrating it, according to a bureau affidavit acquired by Wired News.

• IP address
• MAC address of ethernet cards
• A list of open TCP and UDP ports
• A list of running programs
• The operating system type, version and serial number
• The default internet browser and version
• The registered user of the operating system, and registered company name, if any
• The current logged-in user name
• The last visited URL

Once that data is gathered, the CIPAV begins secretly monitoring the computer's internet use, logging every IP address to which the machine connects.

All that information is sent over the internet to an FBI computer in Virginia, likely located at the FBI's technical laboratory in Quantico.

Sanders wrote that the spyware program gathers a wide range of information, including the computer's IP address; MAC address; open ports; a list of running programs; the operating system type, version and serial number; preferred internet browser and version; the computer's registered owner and registered company name; the current logged-in user name and the last-visited URL.

The CIPAV then settles into a silent "pen register" mode, in which it lurks on the target computer and monitors its internet use, logging the IP address of every computer to which the machine connects for up to 60 days.

Under a ruling this month by the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, such surveillance -- which does not capture the content of the communications -- can be conducted without a wiretap warrant, because internet users have no "reasonable expectation of privacy" in the data when using the internet.

According to the affidavit, the CIPAV sends all the data it collects to a central FBI server located somewhere in eastern Virginia. The server's precise location wasn't specified, but previous FBI internet surveillance technology -- notably its Carnivore packet-sniffing hardware -- was developed and run out of the bureau's technology laboratory at the FBI Academy in Quantico, Virginia.

The FBI's national office referred an inquiry about the CIPAV to a spokeswoman for the FBI Laboratory in Quantico, who declined to comment on the technology.

The FBI has been known to use PC-spying technology since at least 1999, when a court ruled the bureau could break into reputed mobster Nicodemo Scarfo's office to plant a covert keystroke logger on his computer. But it wasn't until 2001 that the FBI's plans to use hacker-style computer-intrusion techniques emerged in a report by MSNBC.com. The report described an FBI program called "Magic Lantern" that uses deceptive e-mail attachments and operating-system vulnerabilities to infiltrate a target system. The FBI later confirmed the program, and called it a "workbench project" that had not been deployed.

No cases have been publicly linked to such a capability until now, says David Sobel, a Washington, D.C., attorney with the Electronic Frontier Foundation. "It might just be that the defense lawyers are not sufficiently sophisticated to have their ears perk up when this methodology is revealed in a prosecution," says Sobel. "I think it's safe to say the use of such a technique raises novel and unresolved legal issues."

The June affidavit doesn't reveal whether the CIPAV can be configured to monitor keystrokes, or to allow the FBI real-time access to the computer's hard drive, like typical Trojan malware used by computer criminals. It notes that the "commands, processes, capabilities and ... configuration" of the CIPAV is "classified as a law enforcement sensitive investigative technique, the disclosure of which would likely jeopardize other ongoing investigations and/or future use of the technique."

The document is also silent as to how the spyware infiltrates the target's computer. In the Washington case, the FBI delivered the program through MySpace's messaging system, which allows HTML and embedded images. The FBI might have simply tricked the suspect into downloading and opening an executable file, says Roger Thompson, CTO of security vendor Exploit Prevention Labs. But the bureau could also have exploited one of the legion of web browser vulnerabilities discovered by computer-security researchers and cybercrooks -- or even used one of its own.

"It's quite possible the FBI knows about vulnerabilities that have not been disclosed to the rest of the world," says Thompson. "If they had discovered one, they would not have disclosed it, and that would be a great way to get stuff on people's computer. Then I guess they can bug whoever they want."

The FBI's 2008 budget request hints at the bureau's efforts in the hacking arena, including $220,000 sought to "purchase highly specialized equipment and technical tools used for covert (and) overt search and seizure forensic operations.… This funding will allow the technology challenges (sic) including bypass, defeat or compromise of computer systems."

With the FBI in the business of hacking, security companies are in a tight place. Thompson's LinkScanner product, for example, scans web pages for security exploits, and warns the customer if one is found. How would his company respond if the FBI asked him to turn a blind eye to CIPAV? He says he's never fielded such a request. "That would put us in a very difficult position," Thompson says. "I don't know what I'd say."

The Washington case unfolded May 30, when a handwritten bomb threat prompted the evacuation of Timberline High School in Lacey, Washington. No bomb was found.

On June 4, a second bomb threat was e-mailed to the school from a Gmail account that had been newly created under the name of an innocent student. "I will be blowing up your school Monday, June 4, 2007," the message read. "There are 4 bombs planted throughout Timberline high school. One in the math hall, library hall, main office and one portable. The bombs will go off in 5 minute intervals at 9:15 AM."

In addition, the message promised, "The e-mail server of your district will be offline starting at 8:45 am."

The author made good on the latter threat, and a denial-of-service attack smacked the North Thurston Public Schools computer network, generating a relatively modest 1 million packets an hour. Responding to the bomb threat, school administrators ordered an evacuation of the high school, but, once again, no explosives were found.

That began a bizarre cat-and-mouse game between law enforcement and school officials and the ersatz cyberterrorist, who e-mailed a new hoax bomb threat every day for several days, each triggering a new evacuation. Each threat used the same pseudonym, but was sent from a different, newly created Gmail account to complicate tracing efforts.

On June 7, the hoaxer started issuing threats through other online mediums. In his most brazen move, he set up a MySpace profile called Timberlinebombinfo and sent friend requests to 33 classmates.

The whole time he was daring law enforcement officials to trace him. "The e-mail was sent over a newly made Gmail account, from overseas in a foreign country," he wrote in one message. "Seeing as you're too stupid to trace the e-mail back lets (sic) get serious," he taunted in another. "Maybe you should hire Bill Gates to tell you that it is coming from Italy. HAHAHA. Oh wait. I already told you that it's coming from Italy."

As promised, attempts to trace the hoaxer dead-ended at a hacked server in Grumello del Monte, Italy. The FBI's Seattle Division contacted the FBI legal attaché in Rome, who provided an official request to the Italian national police for assistance. But on June 12, perhaps fed up with the mocking, the FBI applied for and obtained a search warrant authorizing the bureau to send the CIPAV to the Timberlinebombinfo MySpace profile.

Court documents reveal the search warrant was "executed" June 13 at 5:49 p.m. Though the CIPAV provided a wealth of information, Glazebrook's IP address would have been enough to guide the FBI to the teen's front door.

John Sinclair, Glazebrook's attorney, says his client never intended to blow anything up -- "it was a prank from the get-go" -- but admits he hacked into computers in Italy to launder his activities, and that he launched the denial-of-service attack against the school district's network.

Glazebrook was sentenced Monday to 90 days in custody, and given credit for 32 days he's spent behind bars since his arrest. When he's released he'll be on two years' probation with internet and computer restrictions, and he's been expelled from high school. The teen is being held at the Thurston County Juvenile Detention Center, where he will serve out his sentence, says Sinclair.

Sinclair says he was told that the FBI had tracked down his client in response to a request from local police -- but that he didn't know exactly how the bureau did it. "The prosecutor made it clear that they wouldn't indicate how this device works or how they do it," says Sinclair. "For obvious reasons."

Larry Carr, a spokesman with the FBI's Seattle field office, couldn't confirm that the CIPAV is the same software previously known as Magic Lantern, but emphasized that the bureau's technological capabilities have grown since the 2001 report. The case shows that FBI scientists are equipped to handle internet threats, says Carr.

"It sends a message that, if you're going to try and do stuff like this online, that we have the ability to track individuals' movements online and bring the case to resolution."
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post Jul 19 2007, 10:54 PM
Post #26

Group: Student Forum Pilot
Posts: 42
Joined: 28-June 07
Member No.: 1,287

If you can move beyond this FBI agents pain and see
behind the person you
would find out James Ahearn worked at the Boston FBI office
before his transfer to Arizona. What you don't see is the
weight he is carrying
about his personal knowledge of the FBI agents in Boston
collaborating with the Mafia from 1955 through 1999
that led to the murders of over 20 women, and men.
see bottom of post for todays story about
the death of James Ahearns' son
Here are some links to help you understand that story.

Spotlight Report WHITEY & THE FBI

At odds with the past

By Shelley Murphy, Globe Staff, 7/22/1998

In 1988, Whitey Bulger's special relationship with the FBI -- an informant who was handled by FBI agent John Connolly -- was disclosed publicly for the first time in a Globe story.

During interviews at the time and afterward, three key federal law enforcement officials challenged the account: Connolly; Jeremiah T. O'Sullivan, the region's top organized-crime prosecutor; and James Ahearn, the special agent in charge of the FBI's Boston office. The comments the three officials made a decade ago are now sharply contradicted by this year's release of FBI files and court testimony.

Jeremiah T. O'Sullivan

Then: ``I don't buy it,'' said O'Sullivan in 1988, when asked about Bulger being an FBI informant. ``I've heard the stories. I don't know it to be true.''

Now: FBI records, testimony, and interviews suggest that, as far back as 1979, agents -- including Connolly -- discussed Bulger with O'Sullivan. O'Sullivan attended meetings in 1980 with other officials to review the FBI's handling of Bulger, and one agent testified that O'Sullivan urged the FBI not to close out Bulger.

The records and testimony notwithstanding, O'Sullivan last year insisted to FBI investigators that he was never officially told that Bulger was an FBI informant while he was a prosecutor.

John Connolly

Then: In 1990, two years after the Globe story, Connolly sought out a top Globe editor to denounce the coverage and to insist that, even though he knew who Whitey Bulger was, he had never talked to him.

Now: FBI records, court testimony by other agents, and Connolly's own public comments indicate that Connolly has met and talked with Bulger over a hundred times since 1975.

James Ahearn

Then: ``That is absolutely untrue,'' Ahearn said in 1988, when asked about Bulger having a longstanding relationship with the FBI. ``We specifically deny that there has been special treatment of this individual.''

Now: Previously-secret FBI files show that Ahearn was intimately involved in defending Connolly and the FBI's use of Bulger. Less than a year after public comments denying the ties between the FBI and Bulger, Ahearn in early 1989 wrote a confidential memo to the FBI director trumpeting Bulger ``as the most important organized-crime informant for many years.''

This story ran on page A20 of the Boston Globe on 07/22/1998.

There is even a more mysterious dark past
connected to FBI agent James Ahearn. About
the time he arrived in Arizona FBI agent Suzzane Doucette
was sexually assaulted by her supervisor in Arizona.
When she told the head of the Arizona FBI office that person
went back and told the agent who sexually assaulted her
who then went back to Suzzane Doucette and told her to shut up
or else.
Suzzane Doucette filed a lawsuit against the FBI.
Her FBI co-workers in the office retaliated against her
and made life so miserable for her she became physically
sick .
I could never find out if it was James Ahearn who assaulted Suzzane Doucette nor could I find out if he was the head of the office when it occured. We brought Suzzane to speak in our community
when her lawsuit was pending.She refused to name names.
Of course this entire drama was funded with your tax dollars.
One postscript to this FBI Kabuki theatre.
Suzzane Doucette's husband FBI agent Brad Doucette
wound up "allegedly"committing suicide. see this link
first http://www.narconews.com/Issue33/article967.html

The story in todays news about FBI agent James Ahearn is at
the end of this post.

Denver Post Mar 9, 1994

WASHINGTON - When Special Agent Gayle Wyche complained about sexual discrimination in the Drug Enforcement Administration, she says, a supervisor told her he would solve the problem - on condition she begin a personal relationship with him.

"He suggested we would go bar hopping, hot tubbing, etc. together on a weekly basis. He explained to me that this was how other female agents in the Albuquerque division were "taken care of,"' Wyche testified to a House investigative subcommittee yesterday.

A new report by the General Accounting Office, Congress' investigative arm, on sexual harassment complaints at the drug agency was released at the hearing.

It concluded that processing times for complaints were long, averaging 382 days; investigations and case files were incomplete; female employees feared retaliation for reporting harassment; employees lacked understanding of what behavior constitutes sexual harassment; and the agency's disciplinary actions were perceived as insufficient to deter future harassment.

After a year of investigations of her complaint, Wyche said she was offered a transfer to Denver with the promise that nothing from Albuquerque would follow her. She agreed.

Her new boss, it turns out, was a friend of the supervisors in Albuquerque - and he, too, began harassing her, she said.

Wyche now is on leave without pay.

Shirley Ann Garcia, an investigative assistant for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, said the special agent in charge in Dallas flicked his cigarette ashes down the front of her blouse several times.

Wyche, Garcia and three other female employees of federal law enforcement agencies - including the Federal Bureau of Investigation - alleged sexual harassment and retaliation in a hearing of the House Post Office and Civil Service subcommittee on oversight and investigations.

DEA spokesman Frank Shults said in a telephone interview that "DEA's policy on sexual harassment is very clear: It is not tolerated by any employees."

Susan McCarron, a spokeswoman for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, said that because Shirley Ann Garcia has complaints pending against the agency, she could not comment on the specific allegations.

McCarron said the agency's new policy regarding sexual harassment is "zero tolerance."

"ATF has taken steps ... and we will take all steps necessary to prevent (incidents of harassment) and to deal with them appropriately," she said.

Also testifying at the hearing were Katherine Churchill, a senior forensic chemist at the DEA's Southeast Laboratory in Miami; Ann Marie Canty Garcia, a DEA special agent in Hong Kong; and Suzanne Doucette, a former FBI agent who also testified last May to the Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs.

After that appearance, Doucette testified yesterday, male agents at her former office in Tucson played videotapes of her testimony and made derogatory comments about it.

"After being forced to leave the FBI, my career is over, my salary is gone and I am forced to sell personal belongings, including a car and my home," Doucette said.

FBI spokesman Nestor Michnyak said that because of Doucette's pending lawsuit against the agency, the FBI could not comment on her testimony.

"The FBI is confident all facts will be developed fully during the litigation," he said.

On a gray morning two years ago, Brad Doucette awoke before dawn after another restless night.

A top FBI counter-terrorism official, Doucette, 45, had gone to bed late after one more long day. Then his sleep had been interrupted by phone calls from agents in the field.

The first came about 4:30 a.m. and lasted so long that his wife, Suzane, grabbed a quilt and went to sleep in an adjacent bedroom in the couple's 1923 Victorian in the Chevy Chase section of Washington.

An hour or so later, Suzane heard Brad on another call. Her normally calm husband was yelling -- about what, she couldn't make out. By then, it was almost dawn and Doucette began his morning ritual. Preparing her coffee. Making himself toast. Placing his slacks in the pants presser. Setting aside two sodas for his drive to the office.

Normally, Doucette's routine next would have taken him to the shower. But Suzane never heard the soothing sound of streaming water. Instead, there was a loud bang, which she mistook for a lamp crashing to the floor.

"Brad? Brad?" she called out. There was no answer. She hurried to their bedroom.

There, she found Doucette lying motionless on the bed, a tiny spot of blood behind his right ear. He had shot himself with his FBI- issue, 9-millimeter pistol. She reached for the nightstand and a phone to call 911. But the line was dead; Brad had yanked it from the wall.

The coroner's office ruled Doucette's death April 29, 2003, a suicide. Those who knew him say the relentless pressure of working counter-terrorism helped push him over the edge.

"It was 100% the job," said Suzane, a former FBI agent. "The extreme exhaustion. The worry. Not being able to sleep. Not being able to leave Washington."

On Sept. 11, 2001, tracking down terrorists and preventing attacks became the FBI's most urgent priority. Three and a half years later, the relentless pace and the pressure to stay a step ahead of an elusive adversary are wearing down even seasoned agents.

"For many people, once they get home, they can leave their work at the office," said FBI chaplain Joe Williams, a Baptist minister. "The problem for federal agents in counter-terrorism is that they can't let it go. They are always thinking, 'Have I really covered everything today?' "

Doucette had spent nearly 20 years at the FBI. At the time of his death, he was head of an elite unit at bureau headquarters that investigates suspected espionage by Iran and the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah and other Shiite Muslim extremists.

FBI officials declined to comment on whether Doucette's suicide was related to his work. They said there were no statistics on job- related stress among counter-terrorism agents.

But the FBI is studying how those agents have been affected by the war on terrorism. The analysis will examine sick leave, resignations, disciplinary cases, requests for counseling and other factors.

"The people who do this counter-terrorism work literally feel responsible for everybody in the country," said Kathy Thomas, an Oklahoma psychologist who has counseled several hundred law enforcement officers, including FBI agents.

The pressure to anticipate and preempt terrorist acts, rather than investigate them after the fact, creates a special psychological burden, current and former agents say.

Ken Piernick, a colleague of Doucette's who preceded him as head of the Iran-Hezbollah unit, suffered a heart attack on the job and retired in December 2003 after 22 years with the FBI.

"The job -- not just for me, but for everybody -- is a meat grinder," he said.

After Sept. 11, "nobody was under the pressure the FBI was under," said Larry Mefford, who retired as the bureau's head of counter-terrorism two years after the attacks.

"I heard over and over again that if the CIA didn't catch the terrorists overseas or the Pentagon didn't capture or kill them, it was up to us," said Mefford, now head of global security for Wynn Resorts in Las Vegas.

Steve Moore, an agent in Los Angeles, spent nearly three years supervising investigations into Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups. Brad Doucette was once his supervisor. A year ago, Moore, a 21-year bureau veteran, asked for a new assignment. He is now an FBI pilot.

"People come to counter-terrorism wanting to make a difference," he said, "and three years later, you come out gasping for breath."


Aside from a paid obituary in his hometown newspaper in Little Falls, Minn., Doucette's death did not make the news. But it was all the talk inside the FBI, from Los Angeles to bureau headquarters in Washington.

FBI Director Robert S. Mueller III visited the Doucette home three times, once to hand-deliver letters from President Bush and then-Atty. Gen. John Ashcroft.

Doucette's family, friends and co-workers had been aware for months that he wasn't coping well with the pressure. To hear them tell it, it was as if his life had slipped away in slow motion. And they were helpless to stop it.

Doucette, who was born in Minnesota, grew up in Montana and Washington state. He attended the University of Washington, graduated with a law degree from Willamette University in Salem, Ore., and joined the FBI in 1983 at age 26.

An uncle had been in the FBI, and it was the only career that interested Doucette. He was especially drawn to intelligence work.

His first assignment was in the Sacramento field office, where he met Suzane, a divorced agent with two young daughters. In just over a year, they were married.

They were transferred first to New York and then to Phoenix. Suzane quit the FBI in 1993 after settling a sexual harassment lawsuit against the bureau. Brad's career, meanwhile, was on a steady climb.

By the time the Doucettes arrived in Los Angeles in 1994, he had worked almost all the prestige assignments: drug smuggling, bank robbery, white-collar crime. Then he moved into counter-terrorism.

Part detective work, part divination, the job requires agents and analysts to interpret wisps of information -- a telephone intercept in Pakistan, a suspicious passenger on a Paris-New York flight, a paid informant's tip -- to see if they foretell an attack.

Doucette seemed to thrive in the assignment. He worked on the investigation of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, which killed six people and injured more than 1,000. The bureau's detective work laid the foundation for the conviction of four Islamic militants.

Doucette also helped supervise the investigation of the 1999 crash of an EgyptAir jet, which plunged into the ocean off New England, killing all 217 people aboard. The disaster was ultimately blamed on the copilot, who investigators said deliberately put the aircraft into a dive.

In 2000, Doucette ran the FBI command post for the Democratic National Convention in Los Angeles.

Even before Sept. 11, he wrestled constantly with how to chase an endless stream of leads. He worried that he might miss something, or pursue the wrong case, or act too late to prevent an attack.

"If he had a fault, it was that he cared too much," Moore said. "When you are a paramedic and see people die, you shouldn't dwell on their death and the loss. It's called building walls."

Doucette "couldn't build those walls," Moore said.


After Sept. 11, the atmosphere throughout the bureau became taut. Moore was one of three agents who helped Doucette pore over a stack of investigative leads every morning.

"It took four of us just to get through that stack every day by noon," Moore said.

While agents worked round-the-clock to prevent new attacks, the FBI was bombarded with criticism for having failed to detect the Sept. 11 plot.

It emerged that an agent in Phoenix, two months before the suicide hijackings, had alerted superiors that Muslim extremists were training at U.S. flight schools.

In August 2001, agents in Minnesota detained a French-Moroccan flight student who they suspected was training for a terrorist mission. The agents could not get clearance from FBI higher-ups to search Zacarias Moussaoui's laptop computer.

Moussaoui was in federal custody when the terrorists struck. According to the Sept. 11 commission, he had been preparing to participate in the hijackings or in a second wave of attacks that never materialized. Last month, he pleaded guilty to conspiring with Al Qaeda and faces the death penalty.

The FBI's Los Angeles office figured in another missed opportunity. In late August 2001, the CIA told the bureau that two suspected terrorists -- Nawaf al Hazmi and Khalid al Mihdhar -- were in the U.S. On Sept. 10, agents in New York passed the tip to Los Angeles, believing the men were in Southern California.

By then, it was too late. Hazmi and Mihdhar had left for the East Coast to participate in the hijackings.

The episode underscored how costly even the slightest lapse in vigilance could be.

"Brad shared everybody's concern: Did we somehow screw up?" Moore said.

Despite the pressure, Doucette found time for family, friends and football. A high school quarterback, he was a devoted fan of his alma mater, the University of Washington.

"He never missed a Huskies game" on television, Suzane said.

The couple lived comfortably in one of the Spanish-style houses that blanketed the suburb of Calabasas. Their next-door neighbors were Scott and Victoria Sterlekar.

"I'm sure, with the job he had, he was very serious at work," Victoria recalled. "But at home, he was really fun."

Suzane said her husband never let the stress get the best of him. Years earlier, they'd had occasion to discuss suicide when an agent in Los Angeles killed himself after being charged with public drunkenness and assault.

"We both agreed that suicide is never an option," Suzane recalled, "that no job is worth it."


Doucette had never given much thought to working at FBI headquarters. But in early 2002, he heard Mueller tell supervisors that the fight against terrorism required more talent and commitment than ever.

Inspired, Doucette applied for a high-level job in Washington -- and got it. He started his new position directing the Iran- Hezbollah unit in September 2002.

Within weeks, the pressure-cooker environment of the seventh floor at headquarters, home to the FBI's upper management, was consuming him.

Doucette oversaw scores of FBI agents throughout the U.S. and abroad who monitored Iranian agents and Shiite Muslim extremists.

Piernick, his former colleague, said he spoke with Doucette several times about his new job: "I told him you have to be remorseless in the pursuit of terrorists."

He told Doucette that meant pushing agents beyond what might be considered reasonable, requiring them to chase even the skimpiest leads.

Doucette listened politely, Piernick said. "But when you talk to people, you know when they don't agree with you," he said. "I don't think Brad liked to be the bad cop ever."

In March 2003, Doucette was given another demanding responsibility -- an FBI command post launched with the start of the Iraq war. Its mission was to oversee interviews with Iraqi exiles in the U.S. and collect intelligence for American troops.

Juggling two jobs left him drained. "He worked seven days a week and even if he was at home, he was constantly on the phone," Suzane said.

Doucette shed 30 pounds from his sturdy 5-foot-11 frame. His good humor was gone too. An amateur astronomer, he was too exhausted to take time out for his telescopes.

"He didn't even watch football," Suzane said.

That Christmas, the Sterlekars flew in from California and found the Doucette home decorated for the holidays. But when they sat down for dinner, something was different.

"He didn't look the same," Victoria said. "He had lost a lot of weight. He just didn't seem like the same old Brad."

After a few months in Washington, Suzane did something radical for a former agent who had spent years in a world defined by bureau politics, bureau procedures and bureau parties.

"I begged him to leave the FBI," she recalled.

He refused.

Piernick last saw Doucette in the FBI cafeteria, his shoulders slumped.

"He had folded up like an origami figure," Piernick said. "I asked him if there was anything I could do to help, and he said he was OK."

Doucette's stepdaughters, who live in Los Angeles, last saw him three months before his death.

"He lost his color," said Cyndi Shope, an actress. "He looked gray."

Her sister, Kelli Shope, editor in chief of a Pepperdine University law journal, said: "He was not one to complain at all, but you knew the work was incredibly hard. He knew people's lives were on the line."

Five days before his death, Suzane said, Brad called her from the office to say he had nearly blacked out. She picked him up and drove him to the hospital. After a series of tests, a doctor told Doucette that he was suffering from exhaustion.

"The next day," Suzane said, "he was back at work."

The night before he died, the couple enjoyed a simple dinner of soup and sandwiches at a local restaurant. They talked about the usual things -- family, his job. Doucette was troubled that his boss wanted him to fire two intelligence analysts because they could not handle the assignment. Doucette thought they just needed guidance.

The couple got home late, and Doucette crawled into bed about 2 a.m. He was dead a few hours later.

Suzane has asked the FBI to honor Brad's memory by issuing a 20- year service pin -- even though he died six months short of the milestone.

She has also petitioned the bureau for death benefits on the grounds that his death was job-related.

"Suicide is a statement and there is a degree of finality associated with that statement," Piernick said. "You are not just killing yourself; you are punishing someone. I am not sure who Brad was trying to punish. It may have been the bureau."

Shared e-mails reveal fallen GI's dedication

Jul. 19, 2007 12:00 AM
Jim Ahearn wasn't sure that anyone was interested in hearing from his dead son, Maj. James Michael "Jimmy" Ahearn, killed July Fourth outside of Baghdad.

Ahearn sent copies of e-mails he'd received from his son in Iraq to everyone from the president on down. Elected officials. Political candidates. Newspaper, radio and TV reporters. When we first talked earlier this week, he hadn't heard back from any of them.

"My son passionately believed in what he was doing over there," Jim told me. "Whether I completely agreed with him or not doesn't matter, and honestly I will never express my views. But in honor of my son I will express his."

Maj. Ahearn was 43 years old and on his third tour of duty. During the initial battle to secure Baghdad, he received several medals for bravery. He met his future wife, Lena, around that time. She is an Iraqi and was working with the military as a translator. They have a daughter, Kadi.

His father is a retired FBI agent who headed the Phoenix office during his final years on the job. Jim Ahearn watched his son rise from an enlisted man in the first Gulf War to an officer charged with developing relationships with Iraqi civilians.

Maj. Ahearn wasn't a naive, wide-eyed kid. He was a mature soldier who was convinced that he understood what was at stake in the war.

That's why Jim decided to share the e-mails.

We don't often listen to soldiers, however. For one thing, they don't speak with one voice. In Washington this week, politicians on both sides of the aisle were able to trot out Iraq war veterans who were opposed to the conflict or in favor of it.

Jimmy Ahearn didn't have that kind of agenda. He wrote home because he wanted friends and family to know what his life was like. And why he was risking it.

It's tough to "interview" a lost soldier, but I told Jim that his son deserved to be heard.

They all deserve to be heard. They've earned it. The least we can do, every now and then, is to listen to one of them. Like this one:

"Just wanted to let you know that I am still alive and well, despite an ever-increasing presence of grey hair!" Ahearn wrote July 3.

"It's been an exciting week, but yesterday was the best yet - we had our Fourth of July a day early. After 43 missions of nothing too exciting - a couple of firefights, but that's to be expected - we finally met up with the big, bad IED. Some jackass initiated his little bomb as my truck was passing by (somewhat little anyway) - scared the bejesus out of me, but I'm fine. ... I'm getting way too old for this; tomorrow had better be a quiet day!"

It wasn't. A roadside bomb killed Maj. Ahearn and another soldier, and gravely wounded a third.

"It was July Fourth there," his father said. "He knew that he was in a dangerous place doing dangerous work. But he loved the Army. And he didn't want to leave a tough job to someone else."

The son explained that view in a previous e-mail, writing, "Between the four guys on my team we have a combined sixty-six years of military experience. If we were to get the hell out of here, some poor kid would be left doing the job - and we're already losing enough good kids. Besides, I know I keep saying this, and I'm not sure anyone stateside believes me, but there are a lot of good people here who really are trying to make a difference and need some help. There's no doubt in my mind that if we left, they'd all be dead.

"I wish I could just sit all the Iraqi entities down in a room, pitch my plan to rid the place of Al Qaeda, and promise that the Americans will leave shortly thereafter (or at least take up positions out in the desert on the Iranian border, which the average Iraqi wouldn't mind at all). I'll figure out the whole Iran thing later. I never realized saving the world was so damned hard!"

Ahearn believed that the war could be won only by working with the people.

"This neighborhood was attacked by a car bomb on 22 April, killed six, injured a couple dozen," he wrote a while back.

"Why? Because of their diversity; a common technique is to commit some random act of violence as a catalyst for sectarian infighting, after which either the Sunnis or Shia come out on top. There are now large swathes of Baghdad which are homogenous as a result.

"Anyway, these people reacted differently. This neighborhood (Sunni, Shia, Christian and Kurd) came together. They cared for the injured, put up the homeless, built makeshift barriers around the neighborhood to prevent such a thing from happening again.

"I meet a lot of well educated, modest, polite people who couldn't care less about a Muslim religious war or global politics, they just want the electricity to come on and for their kids to be safe at school."

Jim had a bad feeling about his son's long stints in a war zone. Before Maj. Ahearn went on his last mission, his dad wrote to him:

"Son, I will tell you once again that you are a good man with his head and his heart in the right place. I'm sure you're right in your analysis and never question that. Being a selfish father, I worry about you first and the rest of the world later. Get the hell out of there as soon as you can. You're pressing your luck too much."

The Ahearn family received a letter from the White House a day or so ago. Jim contacted me after he read it. It surprised him. It appears to be a standard condolence that is sent to each military family that loses someone in the war, only this one included a handwritten inscription.

"I read your e-mails with Jimmy," it reads. "I was touched by your son's courage - God bless you, Sir." It's signed "George Bush."

Maj. James Michael "Jimmy" Ahearn will be buried in Arlington National Cemetery outside of Washington, D.C., but not for several weeks.

"That wasn't at our request," his father told me. "Apparently, there is quite a backlog."
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post Jul 22 2007, 10:06 PM
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organization who assassinated Martin Luther King, gave us first world trade center bombing, oklahoma city bombing and 911, WACO, Ruby Ridge, Voter Fraud and institutionalized pedophilia, oh did I mention the Kennedy assassination.
way to go Harvard- co-enabler of death squads.




The FBI at Harvard
by SOPnewswire(student operated press)who are these guys
April 29, 2007

What better place to discuss the issues of the day than at the nation's oldest institution of higher learning.

This week, Director Robert Mueller and three of our other high-level Bureau execs traveled to Harvard to participate in a series of far-ranging discussions with students and faculty on the FBI and its evolving role in the post-9/11 world.

The venues were two-fold:

1) A Thursday evening speech by Director Mueller at the University's John F. Kennedy School of Government, followed by an often pointed question-and-answer session with students and faculty. His full remarks—which touched on the balance between liberty and security, on national security letters, and on the MI-5 debate—are posted on this website.

2) A series of discussions on the FBI since 9/11 followed on Friday at the Harvard Business School. The Director joined Associate Deputy Director Joe Ford, Associate Executive Assistant Director Phil Mudd of our National Security Branch, and Deputy Assistant Director Sal Hernandez of our Cyber Division as 900 first-year business students discussed two FBI case studies in their Strategy Class. Each exec participated in one of the sessions, listening to the debate and sharing their perspectives at the end of class.

The Harvard Business School Case Study was the project of Professors Jan Rivkin and Michael Roberto. The project began more than a year ago, and the professors had wide access to the FBI and our management team for the study.

For his part, the Director spent a very interesting and spirited hour with the students talking about the business process of ramping up the rapid changes immediately post-9/11 to shift our focus to intelligence and to the prevention of terrorist attacks. He then joined them in discussing the more gradual evolution of that process over the past five-and-a-half years.

The students were then challenged to put themselves in the place of the Director or the President and game out how they would lead the FBI forward. The discussion touched on how to manage priorities, focus resources, clarify and streamline chain-of-command, and more. They also talked about whether the FBI is best suited for the domestic intelligence role or whether a stand-alone agency like MI-5 would be more effective.

Director Mueller explained the FBI's history in intelligence gathering as well as the crossover between criminal activity and terrorist fundraising. He spoke of the long established and critical relationships developed over 99 years with 18,000 local law enforcement agencies—relationships that would be hard to replicate quickly for a new agency. The students asked detailed and well-informed questions and had a diversity of positions and opinions. They gave the Director a standing ovation at the end of the class. The Director also addressed a larger group of students of the Harvard Business School on transformation and management.

The discussion continues. For the FBI—and the students, we believe—it was all time well spent. As the Director pointed out in his speech, it's important that the Bureau continue to talk about these issues and remain transparent and accountable to the nation. "We welcome this scrutiny, painful though it sometimes is, because we understand that our ability to protect the American people depends in large part on the people's ability to trust the FBI," he said. "We are servants of the people and guardians of the Constitution."

a species that hires bodyguards to protect them looses the ability to protect itself and is doomed to extinction
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post Jul 27 2007, 10:21 PM
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FBI agent Orsini was investigated by FBI agent
John Conditt of the FBI OPR.
FBI agent John Conditt was just sentenced to 12 years
in prison for pedophilia.

Cyril Wecht MD has been a target of FBI agents since he challenged the Warren Commission JFK autopsy reports.

Team 4: Lead FBI Agent In Wecht Case Gets Promotion Amid Controversy

July 27, 2007

[NEWSVINE: Team 4: Lead FBI Agent In Wecht Case Gets Promotion Amid

The lead FBI agent in the criminal investigation of former coroner
Cyril Wecht has gotten a promotion.

That might come as a surprise, considering the agent's disciplinary record at the FBI.

Federal law enforcement sources told Team 4 that special agent Bradley Orsini was promoted this week to supervisor.

Orsini will move from the bureau's Public Corruption Unit to head up a new administrative unit in the Pittsburgh field office.

It was two weeks ago that Orsini's checkered personnel file at the FBI was unsealed at federal court, revealing a five-day suspension in 1998 for signing other agents' names on evidence reports involving seized drugs and money.

In 2001, the FBI demoted Orsini, suspended him for 30 days without pay, placed him on 12 months probation and ordered him to undergo mandatory sensitivity training.

In that discipline report, the FBI found that Orsini, over the years, had "failed to follow search guidelines, falsified official documents,"engaged in an improper relationship with a female subordinate" FBI agent whom he gave a pet collar as a gag Christmas gift, "threatened physical assault of a subordinate and damaged government property" by punching holes in walls and throwing chairs.

The discipline report also said Orsini "made unprofessional and insensitive remarks on numerous occasions concerning sexual orientation," including once with a bullhorn when he called on all homosexuals to come out of their offices.

Orsini stands to get a pay raise to go along with his promotion. As an agent, his salary cap is $99,000, but as a supervisory agent, Orsini can make up to $117,000 a year.

This post has been edited by msfreeh: Jul 27 2007, 10:27 PM
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post Aug 3 2007, 01:10 PM
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Court: FBI Violated Constitution in Raid
7:11 AM PDT, August 3, 2007

WASHINGTON -- The FBI violated the Constitution when agents raided U.S. Rep. William Jefferson's office last year and viewed legislative documents, a federal appeals court ruled Friday.

The court ordered the Justice Department to return any privileged documents it seized from the Louisiana Democrat's office on Capitol Hill. The court did not order the return of all the documents seized in the raid.
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post Aug 3 2007, 01:17 PM
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Friday, August 3rd, 2007
“In Search of John Doe No. 2: The Story the Feds Never Told About the Oklahoma City Bombing”

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A Salt Lake City lawyer searching for the truth behind his brother's death has uncovered a wealth of new information that could implicate the FBI in the Oklahoma City bombings. The documents he dug up suggest the FBI knew about the plot to bomb the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in advance but did little to prevent it. Jesse Trentadue's brother Kenney Trentadue was found dead in his prison cell in Oklahoma City in August 1995. The FBI calls it a suicide, but Jesse maintains Kenney was beaten to death during an interrogation. Jesse believes the FBI mistook his brother for the missing second suspect in the Oklahoma City bombings - the so-called "John Doe #2." His research also suggests that the bombing was not the work of one or two men, but involved a wider network connected to the far-right white supremacist movement. Jesse Trentadue joins us to talk about his struggle with the FBI in the twelve years since his brother’s death. We’re also joined by reporter James Ridgeway, author of a new Mother Jones article on this story. [includes rush transcript] To most people the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing is a closed case. Timothy McVeigh and his accomplice Terry Nichols were the two prime suspects accused. McVeigh was executed in 2001, and Nichols is serving a life sentence. But a Salt Lake City lawyer searching for the truth behind his brother's death has uncovered a wealth of new information that could implicate the FBI. The documents he dug up through countless Freedom of Information Act requests suggest the FBI knew about the plot to bomb the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in advance but did little to prevent it.

Jesse Trentadue's brother Kenney Trentadue was found dead in his prison cell in Oklahoma City in August 1995. The FBI calls it a suicide, but Jesse maintains Kenney was beaten to death during an interrogation. Jesse has spent the last twelve years battling the Department of Justice and FBI to find out why his brother was killed. He believes the FBI mistook his brother for the missing second suspect in the Oklahoma city bombings - the so-called "John Doe #2." His research also suggests that the bombing was not the work of one or two men, but involved a wider network connected to the far-right white supremacist movement.

Earlier this year Jesse Trentadue's theory of a wider plot was echoed by Danny Coulson, former Deputy Assistant Director of the FBI, who was in charge of collecting evidence from the Murrah building in 1995. Coulson told the BBC in March of this year that he is calling for a federal grand jury investigation into the bombings, because he questions whether everyone involved was caught. He also said that FBI headquarters prematurely shut down their investigation into the alleged links between a white supremacist community called Elohim City and the bombings.

This controversy is the subject of the latest investigation by James Ridgeway. It is the top story in the July-August issue of Mother Jones. It's called "In Search of John Doe No. 2: The Story the Feds Never Told About the Oklahoma City Bombing." And Jesse Trentadue joins us on the phone from Salt Lake City. He is an attorney whose brother Kenney Trentadue was killed in prison in August 1995. Jesse has since dug up FBI files that implicate the FBI in his brother's death and in the Oklahoma City bombings. Jesse now represents Terry Nichols and is seeking a deposition for him.

* James Ridgeway. Washington bureau chief of Mother Jones. Author the new article "In Search of John Doe No. 2: the Story the Feds Never Told about the Oklahoma City Bombing."

* Jesse Trentadue. Salt Lake City-based attorney whose brother Kenney Trentadue died in prison in August 1995.


This transcript is available free of charge. However, donations help us provide closed captioning for the deaf and hard of hearing on our TV broadcast. Thank you for your generous contribution.
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AMY GOODMAN: To most people, the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing is a closed case. Timothy McVeigh and his accomplice Terry Nichols were the two prime suspects accused. McVeigh was executed in 2001. Nichols is serving a life sentence. But a Salt Lake City lawyer, searching for the truth behind his brother's death, has uncovered a wealth of new information that could implicate the FBI. The documents he dug up through countless Freedom of Information requests suggest the FBI knew about the plot to bomb the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in advance, but did little to prevent it.

Jesse Trentadue's brother, Kenney Trentadue, was found dead in his prison cell in Oklahoma City in August 1995. The FBI calls it a suicide, but Jesse maintains Kenney was beaten to death during an interrogation. Jesse has spent the last twelve years battling the Department of Justice and FBI to find out why his brother was killed. He believes the FBI mistook his brother for the missing second suspect in the Oklahoma City bombings, the so-called "John Doe No. 2." His research also suggests the bombing was not the work of one or two men, but involved a wider network connected to the far-right white supremacist movement.

Earlier this year, Jesse Trentadue's theory of a wider plot was echoed by Danny Coulson, former Deputy Assistant Director of the FBI, who was in charge of collecting evidence from the Murrah building in ’95. Coulson told the BBC in March of this year that he is calling for a federal grand jury investigation into the bombings, because he questions whether everyone involved was caught. He also says FBI headquarters prematurely shut down their investigation into the alleged links between a white supremacist community called Elohim City and the bombings.

This controversy is the subject of the latest investigation by our current guest, Jim Ridgeway. It’s the top story in the July-August issue of Mother Jones. It's called "In Search of John Doe No. 2: The Story the Feds Never Told About the Oklahoma City Bombing." James Ridgeway is still with us in Washington, D.C. And Jesse Trentadue joins us on the phone from Salt Lake City.

Jim, lay out the broader story here.

JAMES RIDGEWAY: Well, from the point of the bombing, there was a very general suspicion and developing information that suggested that probably in addition to McVeigh and Nichols, other people were involved in this. I mean, and one of the reasons, one of the immediate reasons, was nobody could figure out how these two guys put together this huge bomb overnight. And there were various reports, you know, of other people in the vicinity where they were supposedly making the bomb, and so on and so forth.

So there was an effort by some citizens in Oklahoma City to put together their own, you know, investigation. And they then set out to pursue and figure out, you know, who might have been involved in a wider conspiracy. And what they came to and what came out of it was the fact that there were federal informants -- at least one, and possibly three -- who actually knew and were reporting on the possibility of an attack before the bombing took place.

One of these informants, Carol Howe, is well known. She was at this community called Elohim City -- this is a far-right, you know, religious community in Oklahoma in the Ozarks -- and she was there when they talked about bombing a federal building. She was there and actually participated in what appears to have been a kind of a reconnaissance of the building, you know, drove in a car up to Oklahoma City and stayed overnight with some of the people who were suspected of being involved. And she reported all this to her handler at the ATF, the federal ATF, and the handler testified about all this in a closed hearing in court. So it's not like, you know, this is like some informant shooting their mouth off. This is the actual employee of the ATF, under oath, describing the activities of an informant before the bombing took place.

Then there was an informant in Cincinnati who was reporting to the FBI about another group of people who were converging on Elohim City, who were thought to have been involved, or possibly involved, in this.

And there was a third informant, and that informant was the head of Elohim City, a Pastor Millar. Pastor Millar was basically playing footsy with the FBI, trading information with them, because he was afraid his community was going to become another Waco. And his lawyer -- he's now dead, but his lawyer told me recently that Millar, in effect, was trading information with the FBI about a lot of this stuff.

Then there's a fourth informant, and this informant is not well known. This informant apparently reported through a nonprofit group, which in turn passed information on to the federal government. So there were four informants involved, in one way or another, in this situation, and they were all reporting before -- not afterwards, before -- this bombing took place.

AMY GOODMAN: Let’s bring Jesse Trentadue into the conversation, the Salt Lake City attorney whose brother Kenney Trentadue was killed in prison in August 1995. You spent time with Nichols in January. Can you talk about what you learned and also -- there you are in Salt Lake City -- what Utah has to do with this?

JESSE TRENTADUE: Well, Ms. Goodman, I got in to see Terry Nichols in January and spent a day and a half with him. He told me that after his state conviction -- and he received the life sentence instead of the death penalty, and he couldn't be retried -- that he had written Attorney General, then-Attorney General Ashcroft, and offered to tell him the whole story about everyone involved and how, as far as Nichols knew, it came down. Not only did Ashcroft not go and see him or send anyone to talk to him, but apparently issued an order barring Nichols from all media contact.

What Nichols has is just his part of the story. I mean, he was involved in part of this, not the whole operation. And he talks about receiving the high-energy explosives used as a detonator from an FBI informant. And basically, as Mr. Ridgeway said, this was a much bigger operation with many more people involved.

And what it has to do with Salt Lake City is, I had the good fortune to have leaked to me two teletypes from the FBI headquarters sent by director Louis Freeh in 1996, and they talk about this operation, and they even report one of the informants -- the informant had reported that Elohim City, that two days or three days before the bombing, McVeigh had actually called asking for more help to carry out the attack.

So I filed a FOIA request mirrored on these two documents. I mean, you couldn't ignore it. I mean, if you didn't have searched like you should under the law, you have to come up with at least these two documents. I did that because I knew that the FBI, given a choice, will always lie. And so, they came into court and told the judge that there were no such documents. I filed the documents in court. I knew they'd come back and say they were fake. I had an affidavit from a retired FBI agent, who said, no, they were real.

This federal judge then ordered the FBI to do a search and to come back with all documents linking the Southern Poverty Law Center and the FBI to a failed sting operation at Elohim City connected to McVeigh and the bombing. They came back with about 150 pages -- I’m sure that it had many, many more, but 150 pages of documents. They were heavily redacted. They go to the judge, and they say, “Your honor, don't make us turn these over, because we had at least four informants who had been promised anonymity, and under the law you can’t release that information.” And what the judge did is said to them, “Black out the names and turn over the documents.”

And these documents, just as Mr. Ridgeway said, reveal a widespread informant operation, at least in the fall of ’94, leading up to and through the bombing, where the FBI and the ATF knew well in advance of April of 1995 that there was a bombing in place and/or planning, who was involved, and did nothing to stop it.

And so, where we are now is I have motion before the same judge now to take the depositions of Terry Nichols and David Paul Hammer. Now, Hammer is an inmate on death row, federal death row in Indiana, who spent two years with McVeigh. During those two years, McVeigh told him literally everything about the plot, those involved, and how it was carried out. And the government is fighting me very hard to keep that from happening.

AMY GOODMAN: Jesse Trentadue, explain what happened to Kenney, your brother, killed in prison a few months after the April 19, 1995 bombing of the Oklahoma City building.

JESSE TRENTADUE: Well, I think, you know, the claim that this was a suicide would make a cat laugh, and a cat doesn't have a sense of humor. He had been beaten head to toe, front to back, throat slashed. The government tried twice to have him cremated. I had to fight like hell to get his body released. When he came home, he was heavily made up so you couldn’t see the wounds. And we stripped off the makeup and found how badly he was beaten.

From that point on, it has been a nightmare fighting them, the government. I mean, they’ve tried twice to indict me. They’ve destroyed evidence. They’ve threatened witnesses. It’s the FBI has just literally run amok in this case.

But what it all -- how it came into play, and it had come into play with -- into place with my Oklahoma City connection, it didn't happen, Ms. Goodman, all at once. It happened gradually. And it happened -- the beginning was probably January of 1996, when I received an anonymous call. And I used to get a lot of calls about my brother, and I would take all of them, and a lot of them were crank calls, but you never know, so you have to take every one seriously. This caller said that my brother had been killed, it was a mistake, and that it was an interrogation that went badly, that he fit a profile of a group who were robbing banks to fund a tax on the federal government. And I blew that off as a nut call.

And then, in June or July of ’96, I read an article in the Los Angeles Times about a man named Richard Lee Guthrie, and Guthrie was a member of a group called the Midwest Bank Robbery Gang, who were with the Aryan Republican Army, who were robbing banks to fund a tax on the federal government, a white supremacist neo-Nazi militia-type group. I thought that was -- that piqued my curiosity, but they didn't have a picture of Guthrie or a description of him.

So then, shortly before he was executed, I received a message from Tim McVeigh, who told me that when he saw my brother's photograph and heard what happened to him, that he knew Kenney had been killed by the FBI, because they thought he was Richard Lee Guthrie, who was John Doe 2.

And then, after that, I was contacted by J.D. Cash, who probably knows or knew more about the bombing than anybody but the people who carried it out, who connected the dots for me about the connection between my brother and Guthrie, in terms of description. Largest manhunt in American history at that time my brother was picked up and killed was for John Doe 2. Guthrie and my brother were a perfect match. They not only looked alike, they both had a dragon tattoo on the left forearm.

AMY GOODMAN: Where is Guthrie today?

JESSE TRENTADUE: They found Guthrie hanging in his cell in federal custody the day before he was supposed to give an interview on the Oklahoma City bombing. And I had one eyewitness, a federal inmate named Alden Gillis Baker, and a month before our trial was to start, they found Baker hanging in his cell in federal custody.

AMY GOODMAN: Jim Ridgeway, Mother Jones has put all of these documents on the website. Explain what they are, the significance of them, and the -- what do you think the chances are of reopening this case?

JAMES RIDGEWAY: Well, this is actually incredible. I've never been involved with a publication which did this. I mean, thanks to the staff on Mother Jones -- I mean, Celia Perry and Elizabeth Gettelman, particularly -- I mean, they put, I mean, I think just literally hundreds of documents.

So, for your listeners, you know, you don't have to depend upon what Jesse says or what I say or agree with the article. You can go look at the pictures of Kenney. There's pictures of Kenney in the coffin. There’s pictures of Kenney when he was taken down -- taken out of the prison. You can look at all this stuff. And you can also look at all these different documents that the FBI claimed didn't exist. You don't have to depend upon us. And, you know, the FBI says first that these documents didn't exist. Then they finally produce them. Well, they’re all there on the Mother Jones website, every single one of them.

The only thing that's not there, as far as I know, is this big huge report that was done by the Office of Inspector General of the Justice Department, which has been kept secret for reasons I don’t get, but, I mean, I'd love to see some politician who had the guts of Mike Gravel, for example, during the Pentagon Papers, take this report, this big thick secret report and dump it into public domain in the Congress.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, we’re going to leave it there. I want to thank you very much for being with us, James Ridgeway, Washington bureau chief of Mother Jones -- we’ll link to Mother Jones’s website, our site is democracynow.org. -- and Jesse Trentadue, Salt Lake City attorney. His brother Kenney Trentadue was killed in prison a few months after the Oklahoma City bombing in August of 1995. Thank you both for being with us.

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In Search of John Doe No. 2: The Story the Feds Never Told About the Oklahoma City Bombing
Federal officials insist that the Oklahoma City bombing case was solved a decade ago. But a Salt Lake City lawyer in search of his brother's killers has dug up some remarkable clues on cross-dressing bank robbers, the FBI, and the mysterious third man.

James Ridgeway
July/August 2007 Issue

kenney trentadue was driving a 1986 Chevy pickup when he was pulled over at the Mexican border on his way home to San Diego on June 10, 1995. He was dark-haired, 5 feet 8 inches, and well muscled, a former athlete who had picked up construction work after he quit robbing banks. His left forearm bore a dragon tattoo. Highway patrol officers ran his license and found that it had been suspended, and that he was wanted for parole violations. After two months in jail in San Diego, Trentadue was shipped, on August 18, to a prison in Oklahoma City for a hearing on the parole violations. The move placed Kenney in close proximity to the most famous federal prisoner in America. In one way or another, it also sealed his fate.

Four months earlier, another car had been stopped by a state trooper, some 80 miles north of Oklahoma City. It was 10:20 a.m. on April 19, 1995, and much of the country was still waking up to the enormity of what had happened earlier that morning, when an explosives-laden Ryder truck gutted the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, killing 168 people. The driver of the 1977 Mercury Marquis was arrested for carrying a concealed weapon and driving without tags. He gave his name as Timothy McVeigh. Two days later McVeigh was identified as the John Doe No. 1 wanted in the bombing, and fellow antigovernment extremist Terry Nichols turned himself in to police. They were indicted on August 10, and federal authorities said they had their men. But there were many who didn't buy the tidy closure.

A sprawling Great Plains town known for its tornadoes, Oklahoma City was already the center of a swirl of theories about the crime, all of them insisting that the two men could not have acted alone. Some refused to give up on the idea of Middle Eastern terrorists, speculating about a plot headed by Saddam Hussein; others suspected an inside job by the feds. Some simply stuck to the far more plausible conviction that there were coconspirators not yet apprehended. After all, immediately following the bombing, law enforcement had been searching furiously for a man whom numerous sources said they saw with McVeigh, and who by some accounts was seen walking away from the Ryder truck the character whose police composite sketch became known around the world as John Doe No. 2. According to the police description, this man was about 5 feet 9, muscular, and dark-haired. By some accounts, he drove an older model pickup truck and had a dragon tattooed on his left forearm.

Kenney's brother, Jesse Trentadue, knew nothing about the resemblance between his brother and the nation's most wanted man. But he now believes it sparked the events that would launch him on a 12-year investigation of a prison mystery and a massive government stonewalling effort. In the process, he would discover documents showing that even as the Justice Department was working to convict what it insisted were only two conspirators, its agents were actively investigating a wider plot?a plot whose possible ramifications they concealed from defense lawyers and from a public that, at a delicate moment in an election year, they were anxious to reassure. The government's refusal to disclose what it knew and what it did not know may also have forestalled the nation's best opportunity to address the problems in federal law enforcement and intelligence that would become tragically apparent on September 11, 2001.

Jesse Carl Trentadue is no liberal crusader, nor is he an antigovernment conspiracy theorist. He grew up poor in an Appalachian coal camp, called Number 7, halfway between Cucumber, West Virginia, and Horsepen, Virginia. Earlier generations of Trentadue men had all gone into the mines: One grandfather had first descended at age six, another at age 12, and both had died of black lung, as would Jesse's father. But coal prices fell during the Korean War, and in 1961 the Trentadues followed a neighboring family to Orange County, California. They traveled, Jesse says, "like the Okies," heading west on Route 66, sleeping beside the car at night.

Jesse's ticket to a different life was a track and field scholarship to the University of Southern California where, like his teammate O.J. Simpson, he made all-American. After a stint in the Marines and law school at the University of Idaho, he landed in Salt Lake City, where he built a reputation as a tough, tenacious lawyer working everything from sports law to contract disputes. He met me on a warm Saturday, on a bench in front of the Judge Building, the handsome, century-old structure where he practices law. Stocky, with a graying mustache and a neat beard, a cigar between his lips, he looked like the 21st-century version of an Old West sheriff weather-beaten, self-contained, and shrewd. His office upstairs was dominated by an enormous portrait of his brother. It depicted Kenney in a dark shirt, looking calm and earnest, bathed in a glow that evoked the portraits of saints.

As youngsters in West Virginia, Jesse says, the brothers "shared a bed and an outhouse." Three years his junior, Kenney was a track star in high school, but dropped out after an injury and joined the Army, where he developed a heroin habit. Then he tried carpentry and factory work before discovering that he had a knack for robbing banks. "This isn't just robbing a teller," Jesse notes with a flush of pride. "It's taking the whole bank down." On Kenney's jobs, he adds, "the weapons were empty or the firing pins had been removed. He said, 'Robbery is one thing. Murdering is something else, and it's not worth that.'" When Kenney got caught, "he didn't contest it. He just went in, pled guilty, and served his time."

Released on parole in 1988, Kenney cleaned up, started working in construction again, and got married. His first child, a boy named Vito, was born nine days after Kenney was arrested at the border.

On August 19, 1995, Kenney called Jesse's house to report that he had just arrived at the Oklahoma City Federal Transfer Center. Jesse's wife, Rita, an attorney and law professor, was surprised he'd been shipped from San Diego all the way to Oklahoma for a probation hearing. Kenney told her in a conversation that was, like all inmates' calls,"It's that jet age stuff."

Kenney called again that night, sounding chipper, and the brothers strategized about the parole hearing; Kenney promised to call again the next day. But no call came until early the morning of August 21, when the phone rang at Kenney and Jesse's mother's house. It was the prison warden. Kenney, she said, had committed suicide that night. She offered to have the body cremated at government expense a move without precedent in federal prison policies but Wilma Trentadue turned her down.

Five days later, Kenney's body arrived at a mortuary in California. There were bruises all over it, clumsily disguised with heavy makeup; slashes on his throat; ligature marks; and ruptures on his scalp. Photos of the injuries were included in a letter that Jesse drew up on August 30 and hand-delivered to the Bureau of Prisons (bop), which is part of the U.S. Department of Justice (doj)

"I have enclosed as Exhibit 'A' a photograph of Kenneth's body at the funeral," it read. "This is how you returned my brother to us.... My brother had been so badly beaten that I personally saw several mourners leave the viewing to vomit in the parking lot! Anyone seeing my brother's battered body with his bruised and lacerated forehead, throat cut, and blue-black knuckles would not have concluded that his death was either easy or a 'suicide'! " After describing Kenney's injuries in detail, and speculating how they might have come about (bruises to his arms from being gripped, others to his legs from being knocked to the ground with batons, slashes to his throat from someone "possibly left-handed," which Kenney was not), Jesse concluded: "Had my brother been less of a man, you[r] guards would have been able to kill him without inflicting so much injury to his body. Had that occurred, Kenney's family would forever have been guilt-ridden... with the pain of thinking that Kenneth took his own life and that we had somehow failed him. By making the fight he did for his life, Ken has saved us that pain and God bless him for having done so!"

Two days later, on September 1, the Bureau of Prisons issued a press release stating that Kenney's death had been "ruled a suicide by asphyxiation" and that the injuries on the body "would indicate persistent attempts...to cause himself serious injury or death." (Officials would later put forth an elaborate scenario in which Kenney tried to hang himself but fell, bruising his head and body, and then tried to slit his throat with a toothpaste tube before succeeding in his second hanging attempt.)

In fact, as the bop would have known, no official ruling as to the manner of death had been made; rather, every communication from the state medical examiner's office indicated it was being treated as a suspicious death. On August 22, the day after the body was delivered to the ME's office, Chief Investigator Kevin Rowland called the local fbi office to file a complaint. On a form documenting the call, the fbi agent wrote "murder" and noted that Rowland "believes that foul play is suspect[ed] in this matter." The state's chief medical examiner, Fred Jordan, refused to classify the case a suicide, listing the manner of death as "unknown" pending investigation.

As was customary with suspicious deaths, within days the Bureau of Prisons formed a board of inquiry. In an unusual move, the staff attorney heading the probe was told to treat his team's findings as "attorney work product," which would protect it from discovery in any future lawsuit as well as from Freedom of Information Act requests. In October the bop's general counsel issued a memo noting that "there is a great likelihood of a lawsuit by the family of the inmate." To this day, the bop, fbi, and Department of Justice refuse to discuss the case; spokespeople for each agency referred questions for this story to an fbi official in Oklahoma City, who declined to comment citing ongoing litigation.

Not long after Kenney died, Jesse got an anonymous phone call. "Look," the caller said, "your brother was murdered by the fbi. There was an interrogation that went wrong.... He fit a profile." The caller mentioned bank robbers but didn't give many details. Jesse didn't know what to make of the tip; he put the call out of his mind.

Exactly what happened the night Kenney died is impossible to reconstruct, in large part because a great deal of evidence went missing or was destroyed by prison officials. According to bop documents, a guard discovered Kenney hanging from a bedsheet noose in his cell at 3:02 on the morning of August 21, 1995. Stuart A. Lee, the official in charge at the prison that night, refused to unlock the cell while he waited for a video camera to film the body. According to a bop memo, he would later tell investigators that he knew Kenney was dead and he thus "was not concerned with taking any immediate emergency action." The prison medic on several occasions said he performed cpr on Kenney, but later admitted he made no effort at resuscitation. The video of the body was never made, or it was erased, depending on whose account you believe.

Prison officials did take photos of Kenney's body, though when the family asked for copies, they said they couldn't find them; the photos reappeared in the fbi's files years later. Kenney's clothes vanished between the time he was found hanging in his cell and the time his body was turned over to the medical examiner. Other evidence, including his bedsheets, boxers, and fingernail clippings, disappeared for several weeks; investigator Rowland would later suggest they had been in the trunk of an agent's car. Kenney's cell was cleaned by 2 p.m. the day of his death, before legally required examinations of the site had been made. And even though the medical examiner's office had given orders to preserve the cell, the walls including a pencil scrawl that prison officials called Kenney's "suicide note" were painted over, leaving only photos whose "lack of detail," according to the fbi crime lab, rendered it "doubtful if this hand printing will ever be identified with hand printing of a known individual."

Other key evidence was simply omitted from or buried in the official reports: fbi and state Bureau of Investigations officials later testified, in a lawsuit brought by the Trentadue family, that a second person's blood had been found in Kenney's cell, and that there were no cut marks on the noose from which he was, according to prison officials, "cut down." According to an internal fbi memo, a prison guard told his neighbor that Kenney had been killed, and then hung in his cell as a cover-up; an inmate who reported hearing similar statements from a second guard said he was warned to keep silent and then sent to isolation. Another inmate, Alden Gillis Baker, would later give Jesse's lawyer a note describing an incident during which, he said, Kenney got into an altercation with a guard. Eventually, he wrote, additional officers entered the cell, there was "a lot of physical violence going on," he heard "faint moaning," and later the sound of bedsheets being torn. (He would repeat this account in a deposition in connection with a lawsuit brought by Jesse, but a judge ruled that Baker, a convicted robber and sex offender, was not a reliable witness. In 2000, Baker was found hanging in his cell in a California federal prison.)

Government accounts of the incident relied heavily on reports from a different set of inmates. One claimed that during his two days at the prison, Kenney had seemed angry and agitated. Another claimed he was acting "upset, paranoid, and weird in general," and thought everyone was talking about him having aids. (The Bureau of Prisons transcript of Kenney's conversation with Jesse's wife reads, "It's that aids stuff," not, as Rita insists he said, "that jet age stuff." According to medical records, Kenney was hiv negative.) And then there were the words scrawled in pencil on the wall "My Minds No Longer It's Friend" and "Love Ya Familia!" Oddly, the bop investigator who took the pictures shortly after Kenney's death wrote in a caption that the scrawl read, "Love Paul."

The fbi agent who investigated the case immediately following Kenney's death did not even look at the cell. He did visit the prison, but spoke only with officials, interviewing no inmates and collecting no evidence except for the photos of the cell. The case languished for months, until complaints from the medical examiner's office reached the Department of Justice in Washington. In early 1996, the department's Civil Rights Division took over supervising the investigation and decided that the case should be presented to a federal grand jury, which would determine whether to issue an indictment.

On July 6, 1996, more than 10 months after Kenney's death, the grand jury was convened. Justice officials from Washington went to the trouble of commuting to Oklahoma City to oversee the proceedings. It was an election year, and President Clinton's attorney general, Janet Reno still under a cloud for her handling of the Waco siege three years earlier was preparing to try McVeigh and Nichols. The last thing the doj needed was a trial, in Oklahoma City, accusing its employees of murder and obstruction of justice.

But to put the case to rest, federal officials would have to find a way around Fred Jordan, the Oklahoma chief medical examiner who had refused to classify the death a suicide. Within a few months, the local fbi office was calling Jordan a man with a long and distinguished career, who had achieved near-heroic status in Oklahoma City for his effective and sensitive handling of the bombing victims' remains?a "loose cannon."

In December 1995, Jordan told an fbi official that the bureau had urged him to hold off on releasing an autopsy report until the fbi could complete its investigation. He also told the U.S. attorney's office in Oklahoma City, according to correspondence from that office, that Kenney had been "abused and tortured"; later he would tell them, according to a bop lawyer, that "the federal Grand Jury is part of a cover-up." In a memo to his own files, Jordan wrote that it was "very likely this man was killed."

In search of a second opinion, doj officials asked Bill Gormley, a forensic pathologist at the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology, to review the case. In May 1997, Gormley called Kevin Rowland, the chief investigator in the Oklahoma medical examiner's office, who wrote a memo to his files noting that Gormley "was troubled that [the doj] only seemed interested in him saying it might be possible these injuries were self inflicted." In fact, Rowland wrote, Gormley had grown convinced that "this man was murdered."

As late as July 1997, Fred Jordan told a local TV station, "I think it's very likely [Kenney] was murdered. I'm not able to prove it....You see a body covered with blood, removed from the room as Mr. Trentadue was, soaked in blood, covered with bruises, and you try to gain access to the scene, and the government of the United States says no, you can't.... At that point we have no crime scene, so there are still questions about the death of Kenneth Trentadue that will never be answered because of the actions of the U.S. government. Whether those actions were intentional?whether they were incompetence, I don't know.... It was botched. Or, worse, it was planned."

After more than a year of proceedings, in August 1997, the grand jury (which, like all such panels, had heard only evidence selected by the government) concluded its investigation without issuing any criminal indictments. The doj held back the news for two months while staff in Washington met to devise a roll-out plan that a doj aide compared to "coordinating the invasion of Normandy." The plan targeted the media as well as Senators Orrin Hatch (R-Utah) and Byron Dorgan (D-N.D.), who, thanks to Jesse Trentadue's efforts, had taken an interest in the case. In a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing a few months earlier, Hatch had quizzed then-Attorney General Janet Reno about Kenney and told her that "it looks like someone in the Bureau of Prisons, or having relations with the Bureau of Prisons, murdered the man."

But Hatch never followed through on his stated intent to hold hearings on the case. Neither did Oklahoma Republican Senator Don Nickles, then the majority whip. In December 1997, Nickles held a press conference lambasting the feds' handling of the case; he said prison officials in Oklahoma had told him they'd been ordered not to talk about it. The next day Nickles got a visit from Thomas Kuker, head of the fbi's Oklahoma City office. According to an internal fbi memo, Kuker assured the senator that he, too, had once been concerned about the case, but had become convinced that there was no foul play. After a second meeting with the fbi two months later, Nickles backed off.

The doj also continued to pressure Medical Examiner Fred Jordan, to the point where Oklahoma Assistant Attorney General Patrick Crawley wrote to a Justice Department attorney that the bop and fbi had "prevented the medical examiner from conducting a thorough and complete investigation into the death, destroyed evidence, and otherwise harassed and harangued Dr. Jordan and his staff. The absurdity of this situation is that your clients outwardly represent law enforcement or at least some arm of licit government.... It appears that your clients, and perhaps others within the Department of Justice, have been abusing the powers of their respective offices. If this is true, all Americans should be very frightened of your clients and the doj."

Four months later, in July 1998, Jordan suddenly changed his conclusion on Kenney's manner of death from "unknown" to "suicide," saying he had been convinced in large part by the identification of the supposed suicide note by a handwriting expert even though the expert had not been able to see the actual note, and had received what the doj itself considered inadequate samples of Kenney's handwriting. Although he never fully retreated from this determination, Jordan would later say, in a deposition, that he still believed Kenney was beaten, and that he himself had been "harassed by the Department of Justice from the very beginning" of the case.

The last government investigation into the death of Kenney Trentadue, conducted by the doj's Office of the Inspector General (oig), was concluded in November 1999. The report was sealed, and only a brief summary made public. The full report, a copy of which was obtained by Mother Jones, ran to 372 pages and included names and many other crucial details. It also contained material taken from the secret grand jury proceeding, according to its cover page.

The oig report supported the government's position that Kenney's injuries had been self-inflicted. But it did find fault with the prison's response and with the fbi's investigations, concluding that bop and fbi employees had lied about their actions to supervisors, investigators, and the oig itself. (In 2003, Jesse filed a complaint about what he considered shoddy investigative work in the report with the President's Council on Efficiency and Integrity, a White House agency; the council dismissed the complaint, and when Jesse asked why, it sent him 55 pages of evidence the oig had submitted. All but 350 words had been blacked out.)

In late 2000, the civil lawsuit brought by the Trentadue family commenced in federal district court in Oklahoma City. The jury found that Stuart A. Lee, the prison official in charge the night Kenney died, had violated Kenney's civil rights by being "deliberately indifferent to his medical needs." Four months later, the court awarded the family $1.1 million for emotional distress (based not on Kenney's death itself, but on the bop's conduct afterward). The court denounced prison employees for trying to cover up their own misconduct, declaring that, "From the time of Trentadue's death up to and including the trial, these witnesses seemed unable to comprehend the importance of a truthful answer." The government appealed, and the matter remains bogged down in the courts to this day.

For Jesse, the ruling was bittersweet. For more than four years, he had been investigating the case interviewing witnesses, filing Freedom of Information Act requests, lobbying lawmakers. But he was no closer to understanding why Kenney might have been, as the medical examiner had put it, "tortured," or why the prison and the doj would have gone to such lengths to cover up whatever occurred.

By the spring of 2003, Jesse Trentadue had all but given up on solving the mystery. Then he got a call from a small-town newspaper reporter in Oklahoma. His name was J.D. Cash, and he wanted to talk about Kenney, whose story and photo had been widely circulated on the Internet. What kind of vehicle had he been driving when he was stopped at the border? Did he have tattoos? Then Cash explained what had gotten him interested. Kenney's particulars fit the police description of John Doe No. 2, and some photos of Kenney bore a clear resemblance to the police sketch of the alleged bomber. And both Kenney and John Doe No. 2 looked quite a bit like another man, a bank robber named Richard Lee Guthrie.

Guthrie's name meant nothing to Jesse Trentadue, but in the far-right radical scene, he had some notoriety. In 1994 and 1995, Guthrie and his gang, the Aryan Republican Army, carried out an impressive series of 22 bank robberies across the Midwest, netting some $250,000 that they used to support the white-supremacist movement.

The ara had a flair for the dramatic. They rented getaway cars in the names of major fbi officials. At some robberies they wore Clinton and Nixon masks; at others, they tried to look like Arabs. At a December 1994 robbery they wore Santa and elf suits; the following April, they left behind an Easter basket holding a bronzed pipe bomb. In a home movie, Guthrie's partner Peter Langan donned a black balaclava and talked about the coming white revolution. The ara's philosophy was old-fashioned nativism, but their style was a takeoff on the ira, with Latin American revolution and rock and roll thrown in. (Members of the Philadelphia skinhead music scene were part of the group.) Langan liked to call himself "Commander Pedro"; outside the gang, he cross-dressed and later, when sentenced to prison for the robberies, requested that a judge authorize a sex-change operation.

Cash told Jesse that some people including some in federal law enforcement thought the ara might have been involved in the Oklahoma City bombing, and that Guthrie could have been John Doe No. 2. (Guthrie, along with other key ara members, was finally arrested in January 1996 and was reported to be cooperating with federal prosecutors tracking the far right. That July, shortly before he was due to testify in court against Langan, Guthrie was found hanging in his cell.)

J.D. Cash, who died in May, at age 55, was an unsettling figure a genuine crusader for truth as well as an instinctive self-promoter. A lanky man with a warm face that could turn hard in a hurry, he'd been a lawyer, mortgage banker, and entrepreneur before taking a job as the hunting and fishing reporter for the McCurtain Daily Gazette in eastern Oklahoma. Having lost friends and family in the attack, he had grown consumed with the bombing and become a central figure in the Oklahoma City "truth movement," a loose collection of individuals and groups dedicated to identifying holes in the official story, advancing alternate theories, and gathering evidence to support them.

Cash became an acknowledged clearinghouse for information on the bombing and its endless complications, uncovering a store of vital information while putting forth some highly questionable theories. He despised the fbi and loved writing stories about the bureau's stupidity and perfidy. His belief in a cover-up and even government foreknowledge of the bombing had made him a favorite among some militia types. Yet he also insisted that the bombing was part of a conspiracy by the organized far right, and wanted to see all the perpetrators brought to justice. From Cash, Jesse Trentadue would get a crash course on the questions that still lingered, years later, around the bombing.

For the federal government, a great deal was riding on public perceptions of the attack. Bill Clinton's speech at a memorial service for the victims, and his emotional meetings with their families, drove up his popularity ratings, which had bottomed out after the 1994 midterm elections; the spotlight on violent antigovernment extremists was also credited with eroding sympathy for the antigovernment rhetoric in Newt Gingrich's Contract With America.

But the destruction of the Murrah Building just like, years later, the fall of the Twin Towers also pointed to a series of deep shortcomings in federal law enforcement and intelligence. Agencies such as the fbi had plenty of agents doing first-rate crime-solving work, but their record in "domestic intelligence" was another matter. Not unlike the patriot groups obsessed with black helicopters, the fbi was consumed by conspiracy theories that reflected the fears and fantasies of its leadership. The same agency that harassed pinko screenwriters in the 1950s, bugged civil rights leaders in the 1960s, and today monitors peace activists and librarians sought to infiltrate the far right through similar means with dubious informants and questionable surveillance. And when it did move against far-right groups, it often ended up boosting the movement it sought to thwart; the 1992 raid at Ruby Ridge, Idaho, and the botched 1993 attack on the Branch Davidian compound at Waco fueled a growing fury on the far right. (The Oklahoma City bombing came on the second anniversary of the Waco disaster.)

Increasingly, that anger was targeted at the federal government and its symbols. The Murrah Building itself had been the target of a white-supremacist plot as far back as 1983. Among those involved in that failed endeavor was Richard Wayne Snell, who was later convicted of murdering a black Arkansas state trooper and a pawn-shop owner who he thought was Jewish. Snell was executed on April 19, 1995 the very day of the Murrah bombing. The final resting place of Snell's body would be a remote religious compound called Elohim City. For those seeking evidence of a wider conspiracy in the bombing and the federal government's missed opportunities to crack it all roads led to Elohim City.

the place was not much to look ata clutch of small buildings in the Ozark Mountains in eastern Oklahoma. Elohim City's inhabitants were followers of the late Robert Millar, who taught a doctrine known as Christian Identity, which holds that black and brown people and other "non-whites" (including Jews) are "mud people." The community was patriarchal and polygamous, with all residents, including children, trained in the use of weapons by a visitor they called "Andy the German"Andreas Strassmeir, a former German military officer.

For many years, Elohim City served as a sort of extremist sanctuary. Members of the Aryan Nations came through, skinhead bands made visits, young recruits showed up at the gates. Dennis Mahon, a former Klansman who had become a leader of the White Aryan Resistance, had a trailer there and participated in Andy the German's guerrilla warfare training. In the early 1990s, the burgeoning militia movement, which helped inspire McVeigh and Nichols, became part of the mix.

Also drifting in and out of Elohim City were various informants. Internal fbi memos suggest that the Southern Poverty Law Center, which tracks the far right, had a source there whose tips were passed to law enforcement. (Mark Potok, the director of splc's intelligence project, told me that his organization had not placed an informant inside the compound, but received only second- or thirdhand reports from the compound.) Millar himself shared some information with the fbi, according to his former attorney, Kirk Lyons, in hopes of avoiding a Waco-style raid. And the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms was getting information from inside Elohim City for nearly a year before the Murrah bombing, via an ex-debutante named Carol Howe. The daughter of a wealthy Oklahoma businessman, Howe with her fiancee had formed a two-person neo-Nazi group that urged "white warriors" to take up arms against the government. In 1994 she called a racist hot line and got involved with the White Aryan Resistance and Mahon. Soon thereafter the batf, possibly wielding the threat of a weapons charge, convinced Howe to inform on Mahon, and for most of the next two years it employed her as an informant. In that capacity she made numerous trips to Elohim City.

Howe's reports provided the batf which, records show, shared some of the information with the fbi with details about the weapons being stockpiled at Elohim City, Strassmeir's combat training, and Millar's sermons against the mud people and the U.S. government. Howe reported that Strassmeir had talked about blowing up federal buildings, and that he and Mahon had made several trips to Oklahoma City. In February 1995, Howe joined a group of Elohim City residents on such a trip; she told her batf handler that she'd stayed at the home of a former military person who demonstrated an explosive device.

Two years after the bombing, in 1997, Howe and her fiancee were indicted on charges related to their two-person "National Socialist Alliance" that included making bomb threats and possession of an illegal explosive device. She would be acquitted on all charges. There was a pretrial hearing in the case, which involved testimony from Howe's batf handler, on the same day that Timothy McVeigh's trial opened in Denver. At one point, the judge had the following conversation with Howe's attorney, Clark Brewster:

The Court: Well, let me ask you this, Mr. Brewster. A lot of this makes for good conversation, like the trip to Oklahoma City, you know, before the bombing and so forth and it makes for sensationalism, and I don't know that it really has anything to do with the Oklahoma City bombing, but I saw where you were coming from. With that McVeigh trial going on, I don't want anything getting out of here that would compromise that trial in any way.

Brewster: What do you mean by compromise? Do you mean shared with the McVeigh lawyers?

The Court: Yes, or something that would come up you know, we have got evidence that the [batf] took a trip with somebody that said buildings were going to be blown up in Oklahoma City before it was blown up or something of that nature, and try to connect it to McVeigh in some way or something.

Brewster did not return calls for this story; McVeigh's lawyer, Stephen Jones, says the prosecution never gave him any information about Howe or Elohim City, but that Brewster filled him in and he attempted to have Howe testify at trial. The judge rebuffed him on this and every other attempt to show that McVeigh and Nichols hadn't acted alone.

one day in 2004, Jesse had a kind of breakthrough one that would put him at the center of the Oklahoma City truth movement, though it would ultimately get him no closer to proving who was to blame for Kenney's death. A source at the fbi, who had at one point taken an interest in Kenney's case, passed him two heavily redacted memos indicating that, more than a year after Oklahoma City, the bureau had been investigating a link between the bombers and bank robber Richard Guthrie's ara?a connection that ran through Elohim City.

Jesse filed a Freedom of Information Act request, and then a lawsuit, for documents containing information on these connections, and the bureau after first claiming it had none finally produced 25 documents comprising 150 pages, many of them heavily redacted.

The documents connect two investigations under way at the bureau in 1995 and 1996, both of them linked to Elohim City via informants: OKBOMB, run out of Oklahoma City, and BOMBROB, an investigation of the bank-robbing Aryan Republican Army. One of the memos, dated August 23, 1996 some 16 months after the bombing was sent from fbi headquarters in Washington to the BOMBROB investigation. It read, "Information has been developed that [names redacted] were at the home of [redacted] Elohim City, Oklahoma on 4/5/95 when OKBOMB subject, Timothy McVeigh, placed a telephone call to [redacted] residence. On 4/15/95, a telephone call was placed from [redacted] residence to [redacted] residence in Philadelphia division. BOMBROB subjects [redacted] left [redacted] residence on 4/16/95 en route to Pittsburgh [sic], Kansas where they joined [redacted] and Guthrie." At that time, some ara suspects lived around Philadelphia, and Pittsburg, Kansas, was the site of an ara safe house. The document makes clear that the bureau was interested in communication between McVeigh and the ara immediately before the bombing, and that Guthrie himself was in Pittsburg some 200 miles from Oklahoma City three days before the attack.

In addition, the memos indicate that the fbi received reports of McVeigh calling and possibly visiting Elohim City before the bombing, at one point seeking "to recruit a second conspirator." The documents also have one source reporting that McVeigh had a "lengthy relationship" with someone at Elohim City, and that he called that person just two days before the bombing. (These documents were never shown to McVeigh's lawyer.) The Justice Department and the fbi would not comment on the documents; an fbi spokesman in Oklahoma City told me that the bureau is confident it has caught and convicted those responsible for the bombing.

Jesse believes that McVeigh's contact was Strassmeir, a fixture in many Oklahoma City theories. There has been much speculation, aired most recently on the bbc show Conspiracy Files this year, that Strassmeir had ties to U.S. and German intelligence and might (along with his government contacts) have had advance knowledge of the plot. In February 2007, Jesse filed a declaration in court signed by Nichols stating, "McVeigh said that Strassmeir would provide a 'safe house' if necessary. McVeigh...said that Strassmeir was 'head of security at some backwoods place in Oklahoma.'" Strassmeir left the country in early 1996; he was later questioned on the phone by the fbi.

Kirk Lyons, Strassmeir's U.S. attorney, who has defended a number of far-right figures over the years, says the reality is far simpler; Strassmeir came to the United States to take part in Civil War reenactments, liked it here, and, hoping to find a bride, ended up at Elohim City. Lyons insists that Strassmeir was never a spy, except in the minds of conspiracy theorists. ("These silly right-wingers think I am Mossad," he says. "I've given up arguing with these nutsy cuckoos.")

Reached at his home in Berlin, Strassmeir told me that he met McVeigh once, at a gun show in 1993, but that they never spoke again. He said he had no intelligence affiliations and had no clues to the Oklahoma City attack before it happened; but there were definitely informants at Elohim City, he added, and sometimes surveillance planes flew overhead probably, he thought, to check out the marijuana fields that "some of the rednecks" had planted. He confirmed that two ara members were part-time residents of Elohim City, but said that "nobody knew much about them."

the oklahoma City bombing prefigured 9/11 in many ways. There were the missed clues; the federal informant who actually had contact with the conspirators; the turf-conscious agencies failing to share and act on vital information; and in general, a domestic-intelligence program incapable of translating surveillance into action. Just as they would misunderstand the nature of Al Qaeda, the fbi and other agencies never viewed the far right as a political movement with the strategic and tactical ability to deliver a major attack. Intelligence on these groups suffered from the broader inadequacies of domestic intelligence, especially in the use of untested freelance informants recruited under threat of prosecution. But with federal police forces and the Justice Department responsible for policing themselves, and the details of their work often shrouded in secrecy, the system remained unaccountable. The bombing "grew out of a definable social movement the authorities didn't understand," says Leonard Zeskind, a researcher who has tracked the far right for more than 30 years. "It went unsolved because of the character and gross mismanagement of the investigation. It was an outrageous crime, and the size of the crime magnifies the level of incompetence."

In fact, after the bombing law enforcement's failures were not corrected but rewarded. Congress passed the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996, which severely restricted federal courts' ability to grant habeas corpus relief, paving the way for speedier executions (like that of Timothy McVeigh), and ultimately for Guantanamo. It also restricted the rights of immigrants, extended surveillance capabilities, and provided $1 billion in authorization for antiterrorism work, half of it for the fbi. The act raised only muted protest, perhaps in part because it was signed into law by a Democratic president. Yet there can be no doubt that the roots of the Patriot Act were planted not in the chasm of Ground Zero but in the dusty soil of Oklahoma.

For Jesse Trentadue, the ara-Oklahoma City connection has suggested what he believes is the missing motive in his brother's killing: Just as J.D. Cash posited in his first phone call, he now believes that whoever interrogated Kenney took him to be John Doe No. 2 and that Kenney died during an interrogation gone bad. He has no proof for that theory, though he continues to pursue all leads interviewing McVeigh's death-row neighbor, David Paul Hammer; preparing to formally depose Terry Nichols; seeking to obtain a surveillance video he believes exists of the Murrah Building area shortly before the blast. But by now, Jesse is after more than his brother's killers. He has become an American archetype, the citizen-investigator still propelled by the sense of justice that first drew him into the law, but no longer convinced of the government's ability to see that justice is done.
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post Aug 8 2007, 09:51 AM
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Airlines sue FBI, CIA for access to Sept. 11 investigators
The Associated PressPublished: August 7, 2007

NEW YORK: Airlines sued the CIA and the FBI on Tuesday, asking a U.S. court for access to information they say would likely show that they acted reasonably on the day of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.

The two lawsuits in U.S. District Court in Manhattan were filed as aviation companies build their defenses against lawsuits seeking billions of dollars in damages for injuries, fatalities, property damage and business losses related to attacks.

The aviation companies said the agencies had refused to let them depose two secret agents, including the 2001 head of the CIA's special Osama bin Laden unit, and six FBI agents with key information about al-Qaida and bin Laden.

The airlines, airport authorities, security companies and an aircraft manufacturer said they were entitled to present evidence to show the terrorist attacks did not depend upon negligence by any aviation defendants and that there were other causes of the attacks.

They said that the depositions were likely to result in evidence showing the terrorists were sophisticated, ideologically driven and well financed and would have succeeded regardless of any action by the aviation entities.

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"The aviation parties are entitled to show that operations conducted by the federal intelligence agencies were the most effective way to uncover and stop the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks and that the inability of the federal intelligence agencies to detect and stop the plot is a more causal circumstance of the terrorist attacks than any allegedly negligent conduct of the aviation parties," the FBI lawsuit said.

In the CIA lawsuit, companies including American Airlines Inc., United Airlines Inc., US Airways Group Inc., Delta Air Lines Inc., Continental Airlines Inc. and The Boeing Co. asked to interview the deputy chief of the CIA's bin Laden unit in 2001 and an FBI special agent assigned to the unit at that time. The names of both are secret.

In the FBI lawsuit, the companies asked to interview five former and current FBI employees who had participated in investigations of al-Qaida and al-Qaida operatives before and after Sept. 11.

Those individuals included Coleen M. Rowley, the former top FBI lawyer in its Minneapolis office, who sent a scathing letter to FBI Director Robert S. Mueller in May 2002 complaining that a supervisor in Washington interfered with the Minnesota investigation of Zacarias Moussaoui weeks before the Sept. 11 attacks.

The lawsuits also sought to speak to Harry Samit, an FBI agent in the Minneapolis office who was among those who arrested Moussaoui in August 2001. They said he had testified that he suggested to his superiors that the Federal Aviation Administration be notified that Moussaoui was involved in a plot to hijack a commercial airliner.

The testimony was critical to their defense because both agencies play key roles in advising the FAA as to whether new security measures were needed to protect civil aviation against terrorists, the lawsuits said.

The airline entities said they need the testimony to defend against accusations that they had primary responsibility to assess the threat posed by terrorists, that they should have detected terrorists' weapons, that they should have anticipated the attacks and that they should have identified and stopped the 19 terrorists who carried out the suicide hijackings.

Requests to interview the agents were rejected as not sufficiently explained, burdensome or protected by investigative or attorney-client privilege, the lawsuits said.

Government spokeswoman Yusill Scribner said she had no immediate comment on the lawsuits.

FBI spokesman Richard Kolko said the agency had not reviewed the lawsuit against it and would not comment on pending litigation.

A victims' compensation fund established by Congress has paid $6 billion (€4.35 billion) to 2,880 families of those who died in the attacks and more than $1 billion (€720 million) to 2,680 injured victims.

But 41 cases filed on behalf of 42 victims remain pending in federal court in Manhattan because some victims decided to pursue the usual court route rather than accept payouts from the September 11th Victim Compensation Fund of 2001.

The first trials to assess damages are scheduled to begin in September.
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post Dec 5 2010, 11:55 AM
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In 2010 in the spring of this year we brought David Ray Griffin to speak that was followed a couple of months later by James Douglass
who talked about his new book dealing with the President Kennedy assassination and the role corporations played in
having him assassinated. We are currently working to bring Salt Lake City attorney Jesse Trentadue to discuss
his lawsuit against the FBI for the wrongful death of his brother. He won the lawsuit and during the trial obtained FBI
documents showing FBI agents were handling timothy McVeigh before the Oklahoma City bombing. One of the agents
has been identified as Larry Potts.
In viewing some recent post on this forum I am glad to see people are cognizant of the FBI Fusion Centers and how
they are being used to disrupt forums by posting inflammatory material.
People wanting to view more material about crimes committed by FBI agents on a daily
basis are encouraged to see this link where I post material.

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post Dec 5 2010, 03:19 PM
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More scientists offer evidence FBI agents lied about 911 Anthrax attacks. Did FBI agents assassinate Dr Ivins? You decide.
see link for full story

Bruce Ivins's lawyer, colleague share details FBI left out
December 5, 2010

Anthrax samples lost

Ivins' attorney, Paul Kemp, who spoke during the seminar's first panel, said the FBI lost or broke a sample of anthrax Ivins submitted for analysis, one of a number of mistakes that he said compromised the agency's investigation.
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